Newspaper Investigation Alleges Cesar Chavez Sexually Assaulted Minors

A sweeping New York Times investigation published on March 18, 2026, has accused the late labor leader Cesar Chavez of sexually abusing multiple women and girls over the course of decades — allegations that have sent shockwaves through the Latino civil rights community, prompted the cancellation of Cesar Chavez Day celebrations nationwide, and forced a reckoning with how America commemorates its heroes.

The most explosive revelation came from Dolores Huerta, Chavez's 95-year-old co-founder of the United Farm Workers and one of the most revered figures in American labor history, who broke nearly 60 years of silence to allege that Chavez raped her [1][2].

The Investigation

The New York Times reported that its investigation involved interviews with more than 60 people, corroborated by union records, emails, and other documents [3]. The newspaper found that Chavez, who died in 1993 at age 66, "used many of the women who worked and volunteered in his labor rights movement for his own sexual gratification" [4].

The investigation documented allegations spanning from the early 1960s through the late 1980s, painting a picture of a powerful leader who leveraged his near-mythic status within the farmworker movement to prey on women and girls.

Three named accusers form the core of the investigation:

Ana Murguia, now 66, told the Times that Chavez began sexually abusing her at age 13, with the abuse continuing until she was 17. Debra Rojas, also 66, reported being first touched inappropriately at age 12 and raped at 15 during a California march in the 1970s [4][5].

At least a dozen additional women reported being pursued or sexually harassed by Chavez. Esmeralda Lopez described Chavez attempting to coerce her into sex in 1988 by offering to name a street after her; she was fired after refusing [4].

Dolores Huerta Breaks Her Silence

The most stunning disclosure came from Huerta herself, who issued a public statement declaring: "I have kept my secret long enough. My silence ends here" [6].

Huerta described two separate sexual encounters with Chavez in the 1960s, when she was a young mother working alongside him in the nascent farmworker movement. "The first time I was manipulated and pressured into having sex with him, and I didn't feel I could say no because he was someone that I admired, my boss and the leader of the movement I had already devoted years of my life to," she said [2][7].

The second encounter was more violent. In the winter of 1966, Huerta alleged, Chavez drove her to a secluded grape field in Delano, California, parked, and forced her to have sex inside the vehicle. "The second time I was forced, against my will, and in an environment where I felt trapped," she said [4][7].

Both encounters resulted in pregnancies. Huerta kept both pregnancies secret and arranged for the children to be raised by other families, only recently disclosing her identity as their biological mother [6][8]. "I carried this secret for as long as I did because building the movement and securing farmworker rights was my life's work," she wrote [6].

The Times reported it could not independently corroborate Huerta's specific allegations, though multiple sources confirmed that "whispers within the movement" about Chavez's conduct had circulated for decades [3].

A Pattern Known but Concealed

The investigation revealed that awareness of Chavez's behavior extended deep into the UFW's inner circle. Union insiders, relatives, and staff knew of allegations for decades, with internal emails and private Facebook posts documenting this awareness [4]. Chavez's son Paul acknowledged learning of claims in the early 2000s [4].

The Times also found that Chavez fathered at least four children out of wedlock with three women other than his wife Helen, never publicly acknowledging any of them [4][5].

Institutional Reckoning

Source: GDELT Project

Data as of Mar 18, 2026CSV

The institutional response was swift and sweeping. The United Farm Workers, the union Chavez co-founded, issued a statement calling the allegations "deeply troubling and profoundly shocking" and announced it would not participate in any Cesar Chavez Day activities in 2026 [9]. The union urged Americans to instead participate in "immigration justice events or acts of service" [10].

The Cesar Chavez Foundation said it was "deeply shocked and saddened" and announced it would establish "an external, confidential, independent channel for those who may have experienced harm caused by Cesar Chavez during the early days of the UFW's history" [11].

The Chavez family expressed being "shocked and saddened," acknowledging "sexual impropriety with women and minors" while stating they "honor the voices of those who feel unheard" [3].

Cancellations Sweep the Nation

Within hours of the first reports, Cesar Chavez Day celebrations began falling like dominoes across the country:

• Arizona Governor Katie Hobbs announced the state would not recognize Cesar Chavez Day in 2026, citing "troubling allegations" and expressing support for survivors [12].
• San Antonio canceled the 29th annual Cesar E. Chavez March for Justice, which had been scheduled for March 28 [13].
• Corpus Christi canceled its 25th annual Cesar Chavez March [14].
• San Francisco, Houston, Laredo, and Tucson all canceled or suspended planned celebrations [10][15].
• El Mirage, Arizona rebranded its April 4 event from "Cesar E. Chavez Day of Service" to "Inaugural El Mirage Day of Service" [16].

The cancellations are particularly significant given that Cesar Chavez Day — observed on his birthday, March 31 — is an official holiday in 10 states and a federal commemorative holiday since 2014 [17].

A Legacy in the Balance

The allegations force a profound reassessment of one of the most honored figures in American civil rights history. Since his death in 1993, Chavez has been elevated to near-saintly status: President Clinton posthumously awarded him the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1994 [17]. Hundreds of schools, parks, streets, libraries, and other public buildings across the nation bear his name — including at least 21 schools in California alone [17].

No formal proposals to rename these landmarks have yet emerged, but the question looms as communities absorb the allegations. The debate echoes similar reckonings over figures like Thomas Jefferson and Woodrow Wilson, though Chavez's case is unusual in that the allegations involve criminal conduct against children, not the moral frameworks of a different era.

For the Latino community, the stakes are especially high. Chavez's image — the determined face beneath a UFW eagle banner — has for decades served as a symbol of Latino empowerment and the dignity of labor. His story of organizing impoverished farmworkers against exploitative growers became foundational to Mexican-American identity and political mobilization.

"This is not just about one man," said one unnamed UFW insider quoted in the Times investigation. "This is about a movement that millions of people believed in and sacrificed for."

The Broader Context

The Chavez revelations arrive in a cultural moment already shaped by years of #MeToo reckonings across politics, entertainment, religion, and sports. But they present a particularly complex case: the accused has been dead for 33 years, criminal prosecution is impossible, and the movement he built — which secured landmark protections for some of America's most vulnerable workers — continues as a living institution.

Huerta herself seemed to anticipate this tension. At 95, she remains active in advocacy and has spent her life building on the legacy she now says was built partly on her silence. Her decision to speak — "I am nearly 96 years old, and for the last 60 years have kept a secret because I believed that exposing the truth would hurt the farmworker movement I have spent my entire life fighting for" — underscores the impossible choices faced by survivors embedded in the institutions their abusers led [6].

The UFW has signaled that its work will continue. In its statement, the union made clear that while it would not celebrate Chavez, the cause of farmworker justice remains urgent and separate from its founder's personal conduct [9].

What Comes Next

The Cesar Chavez Foundation's pledge to create an independent reporting channel suggests more accusers may come forward. The scope of the Times investigation — 60 interviews, decades of records — implies the published allegations may represent only what could be fully documented.

For the millions of Americans who grew up learning about Cesar Chavez as a hero of social justice, and for the farmworker communities that still invoke his name in their ongoing struggles, the path forward requires holding two truths simultaneously: that the movement for farmworker rights was and remains righteous, and that the man who became its most visible symbol allegedly committed terrible acts against the women and girls who trusted him.

As Huerta wrote in her statement: "The farmworker movement is bigger than any one person — including Cesar, and including me" [6].