Dolores Huerta Addresses Growing Cesar Chavez Sexual Assault Allegations

For more than sixty years, Dolores Huerta kept a secret. The woman who coined "Sí, se puede" — the rallying cry of a generation — carried a private burden that, she believed, could destroy the farmworker movement she had devoted her life to building. On March 18, 2026, at the age of 95, she finally spoke.

"I am nearly 96 years old, and for the last 60 years have kept a secret because I believed that exposing the truth would hurt the farmworker movement I have spent my entire life fighting for," Huerta wrote in a statement published on her blog [1]. Her disclosure — that César Chávez, her co-founder of the United Farm Workers union, sexually assaulted her on two occasions in the 1960s — landed alongside a devastating New York Times investigation that detailed a pattern of predatory behavior spanning decades [2].

The fallout has been swift and seismic. Within hours, governments across the country began canceling celebrations, removing portraits, and debating whether to strip Chávez's name from hundreds of schools, streets, and parks. The reckoning represents one of the most consequential #MeToo revelations in American civil rights history.

The Investigation

The New York Times investigation, published on March 19, 2026, was built on interviews with more than 60 people and a review of union records, confidential emails, photographs, and UFW board meeting recordings [2]. The reporting identified at least a dozen women who say they were "either pursued, harassed, or assaulted" by Chávez during the height of his career leading the farmworker movement [3].

Three women provided detailed, on-the-record accounts:

Dolores Huerta described two separate encounters. The first occurred during a work trip to San Juan Capistrano in August 1960: "I was manipulated and pressured into having sex with him, and I didn't feel I could say no because he was someone that I admired, my boss and the leader of the movement I had already devoted years of my life to" [4]. The second occurred in 1966, when she said Chávez "drove her out to a secluded grape field in Delano, Calif., parked and forced her to have sex inside the vehicle" [2]. Both encounters resulted in pregnancies; Huerta arranged for the children to be raised by other families.

Ana Murguia told the Times she was first summoned to Chávez's office when she was 13 years old. Over the next four years, she said, she had dozens of sexual encounters with him [3].

Debra Rojas reported that Chávez began groping her in his office at the union's headquarters when she was 12 years old. She said Chávez raped her in a motel room in 1975, when she was 15 and he was 47 [2][3].

Huerta's Six Decades of Silence

Huerta's decision to remain silent for sixty years speaks to the extraordinary pressures that kept victims trapped within activist movements of the era. In her statement, the Presidential Medal of Freedom recipient — one of the most decorated civil rights leaders alive — described the impossible calculus she faced [5].

"I have never identified myself as a victim, but I now understand that I am a survivor — of violence, of sexual abuse, of domineering men who saw me, and other women, as property, or things to control," she wrote [1].

Her rationale for silence was rooted in strategic conviction: "The formation of a union was the only vehicle to accomplish and secure those rights and I wasn't going to let Cesar or anyone else get in the way" [5]. She decided to come forward only after learning through the Times investigation that she was not the only victim — and that some of them had been children.

"The knowledge that he hurt young girls sickens me. My heart aches for everyone who suffered alone," she said [3].

Despite the revelations, Huerta insisted the movement must endure: "The farmworker movement has always been bigger and far more important than any one individual. Cesar's actions do not diminish the permanent improvements achieved for farmworkers" [5].

Institutional Responses: A Rapid Unraveling

The speed of the institutional response has been remarkable. Within 24 hours of the initial reports — before the full Times investigation was even published — organizations and governments began distancing themselves from Chávez.

The United Farm Workers union itself, the organization Chávez co-founded, announced it would not participate in annual Chávez Day celebratory events, calling the allegations "profoundly shocking" [6]. The César Chávez Foundation released a statement saying it was "deeply shocked and saddened" and announced it would cancel all César Chávez Day activities, while establishing "a safe and confidential process for those who wish to share their experiences of historic harm" [7].

The Congressional Hispanic Caucus declared: "We cannot celebrate a man, regardless of his accomplishments, if he harmed women and children in such vile ways" [8].

Governor Gavin Newsom of California, visibly emotional, told reporters: "It's been hard to absorb this," noting he had repeatedly displayed photographs of Chávez with Robert Kennedy in his home. California's First Lady, Jennifer Siebel Newsom, a sexual assault survivor and filmmaker, said the women are "in our hearts" [9].

Arizona's governor announced the state would not recognize César Chávez Day this year [10]. Cities from Milwaukee to Denver to Lansing, Michigan canceled scheduled celebrations [11][12].

Source: GDELT Project

Data as of Mar 19, 2026CSV

The Naming Question: Hundreds of Public Spaces in Limbo

César Chávez's name is woven into the fabric of American public life in a way few other figures can match. California alone has at least 60 major public sites — schools, parks, libraries, and community centers — named after him, and Governor Newsom noted that approximately 36 California schools bear his name [8][13]. Nationally, the number is far higher, with streets, plazas, and buildings in virtually every state with a significant Latino population.

The renaming debates have already begun:

• San Francisco Supervisor Jackie Fielder announced support for removing Chávez's name from institutions in her district, including Cesar Chavez Elementary School in the Mission District [13].
• San José Mayor Matt Mahan canceled all planned events and said the city aims to "identify ways to honor the legacy of the farmworker movement without celebrating individuals who caused such profound harm" [8].
• Austin, Texas city leaders announced support for renaming César Chávez Street [12].
• Fresno Councilmember who championed renaming a ten-mile stretch of California Avenue to Cesar Chavez Boulevard in 2024 now says the city should remove roughly 200 street signs with his name [12].
• Portland, Oregon officials began reckoning with removing Chávez's name from César Chávez Boulevard [14].
• UC Berkeley faculty began drafting demands to remove Chávez's name from a student center [9].
• The California Museum announced it would remove Chávez from the state's Hall of Fame — something it has never done before [8].

Senator Alex Padilla announced plans to rename proposed national park legislation to honor farmworkers generally rather than Chávez specifically [8].

San Francisco's annual Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta Day Parade was renamed to honor Huerta alone, whose birthday is April 10 [8]. The Lubbock Democratic Party in Texas called on city leaders to rename César Chávez Drive to honor Dolores Huerta [12].

The Family's Response

The Chávez family released a carefully worded statement to the New York Times saying they were "not in a position to judge" the allegations. "As a family steeped in the values of equity and justice, we honor the voices of those who feel unheard and who report sexual misconduct," the statement read. The family described the situation as "deeply painful" and asked for privacy [3][7].

The Chávez Foundation's statement walked a fine line, acknowledging that the revelations "change how we remember Cesar Chavez as a person" while insisting they don't "diminish our commitment to social justice." The Foundation said it was engaged in "necessary conversation about our organization's identity" [3].

A Movement Larger Than One Man

Among the most striking aspects of the response has been the near-universal emphasis — from political leaders, labor organizers, and historians alike — that the farmworker movement transcends its founder.

Eliseo Medina, a longtime farmworker union leader who worked closely with Chávez for decades, told NBC News the allegations left him confused and angry: "The man I thought he was, was someone else." He added: "All those years we worked together and the things we shared, the values and what we were fighting for, it just seems he didn't believe in those things or somehow separated those from what he was doing as union leader" [3].

Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas said the farmworker movement's core values of "dignity and justice are more important now than ever" [9].

Rudy Gonzalez of the San Francisco Labor Council emphasized that the movement "has always been about workers — Filipino, Mexican, Black, immigrants standing together and demanding respect" [8].

The voter organizing group Voto Latino issued a direct statement: "Let us be direct: the alleged sexual abuse of women and minors by Cesar Chavez is indefensible" [15].

Columbia University history professor Lori Flores called the revelations "devastating on a deeper level" but argued the moment could broaden public understanding: "The farmworker movement always was, and remains, much more than Chávez" [16].

Scholars and the Question of Posthumous Reckoning

Historians note that Chávez's image had already begun to face scrutiny in academic circles well before these allegations. Books by scholars Matt Garcia and Miriam Pawel had raised questions about Chávez's authoritarian leadership style, his purges of dissenters within the UFW, and his increasingly erratic behavior in the 1970s and 1980s [16]. But the sexual abuse allegations represent an entirely different category of misconduct.

The case raises fundamental questions about how societies evaluate allegations against deceased leaders where criminal prosecution is impossible. Chávez died in 1993 at age 66. The Times investigation relied on the same evidentiary standards used in investigative journalism — corroborating testimony across multiple witnesses, reviewing contemporaneous documents, and seeking comment from the accused's representatives.

The Chávez case joins a growing list of posthumous reckonings with civil rights icons. Allegations of sexual misconduct against Martin Luther King Jr. — documented in FBI surveillance records — have been the subject of scholarly debate for decades. Mahatma Gandhi's treatment of women, including sleeping naked beside young female followers, has been extensively reexamined. But in those cases, the revelations emerged more gradually and without the concentrated force of named, on-the-record accusers providing detailed first-person testimony.

Barriers to Disclosure

Survivors' advocates have long documented the specific barriers that prevent disclosure of abuse within activist and social justice movements. Victims face not only the ordinary pressures of shame, disbelief, and power imbalances but an additional layer: the fear that speaking out will be weaponized against the cause they believe in.

Huerta's case illustrates this dynamic with extraordinary clarity. She explicitly chose the movement over her own justice for six decades. The two women who were children at the time of the alleged abuse faced even steeper barriers — they were minors embedded in a tight-knit community that revered their abuser as a near-messianic figure.

Sharon Garland, a community member in San Francisco, noted: "There weren't many consequences back then and people didn't believe women" [8].

Delia Garcia, a Kansas labor secretary who was mentored by Huerta, broke down in tears upon learning of the allegations and removed Chávez photos from her home [3].

Not everyone has accepted the revelations without reservation. Maria Menjibar of San Francisco maintained that Chávez remains "an idol, somebody who fights for all rights" despite the allegations [8]. And some community members have noted the timing — just weeks before César Chávez Day on March 31 — though no organized effort to discredit the accusers has emerged, and the depth of the Times investigation (60+ interviews, documentary evidence) has largely forestalled coordinated skepticism.

What Comes Next

The implications extend across multiple domains. For the United Farm Workers, the organization must reckon with being founded by an alleged serial predator while continuing to advocate for some of America's most vulnerable workers. For Chávez's family members in public life, the path forward is fraught. For the broader #MeToo movement, the case demonstrates that no institution — not even the most progressive social movements — is immune to the pattern of powerful men exploiting their positions.

Several concrete actions are already underway:

• The César Chávez Foundation is establishing a process for survivors to come forward
• California legislators are exploring renaming the state holiday
• School boards across the country are initiating reviews of Chávez-named institutions
• Senator Padilla is revising national park legislation to honor the movement rather than the man

The farmworker movement's legacy — the contracts, the protections, the dignity won for millions of laborers — remains intact. But the myth of the singular hero who delivered those gains has been shattered.

As Huerta herself wrote: "He used some of his great leadership to abuse women" [9]. In that single sentence, the 95-year-old survivor captured the contradiction at the heart of this reckoning — and the reason it matters.