Israeli Forces Conduct New Airstrikes in Southern Lebanon, Bulldoze Catholic Convent

On May 2, 2026, Israeli warplanes struck multiple locations across southern Lebanon, killing at least seven people and wounding several others in towns including Shoukine, Kfar Dajjal, and Lwaizeh [1][2]. Hours later, footage emerged of Israeli military bulldozers tearing through a Catholic convent belonging to the Salvatorian Sisters in the border village of Yaroun — a site that had served for decades as a school, clinic, and home for two nuns [1][3].

The strikes and demolition occurred during what is nominally a ceasefire: a 10-day truce announced by President Trump on April 16, later extended by three weeks [5]. But the gap between the diplomatic language and conditions on the ground has grown so wide that analysts and aid workers describe the ceasefire as "a diplomatic construct" while "the war continues, and, in fact, it is expanding" [2].

What Happened at the Yaroun Convent

The convent compound in Yaroun, operated by the Greek-Catholic Salvatorian Sisters, included a school that had been closed since the 2006 Israel-Hezbollah war and a clinic recently relocated to the nearby village of Rmeich [1]. The site housed just two nuns before they evacuated due to the current fighting [1].

The Israel Defense Forces issued a statement acknowledging that "a house that had no religious signs was damaged" during operations to destroy what it described as "Hezbollah infrastructure" in Yaroun [1][4]. The military said that once soldiers identified "religious indicators in the complex, the forces acted to prevent further damage" [4]. The IDF further claimed that Hezbollah had used the compound "in the past to fire rockets toward Israel on several occasions" [1].

The Catholic Church in Lebanon rejected the claim that the compound served any military purpose [1]. L'Oeuvre d'Orient, a French Catholic charity, confirmed the destruction and identified the convent as belonging to the Salvatorian Sisters [3]. The demolition came days after photographs of an Israeli soldier wielding an ax against a fallen statue of Jesus on the cross in the nearby village of Debel had already provoked widespread condemnation in Lebanon and abroad [1].

The IDF's Account vs. Independent Assessments

The dispute over Yaroun illustrates a recurring pattern. The IDF frames its operations as targeting Hezbollah infrastructure embedded in civilian areas. Independent observers and religious authorities challenge these characterizations.

Israel's military said the damaged structure had "no external signs indicating it was a religious building" [4]. But convent compounds — with their chapels, residential quarters, and institutional buildings — are typically identifiable, and satellite imagery of southern Lebanese villages has been widely available throughout the conflict. The IDF statement that it discovered the religious nature of the site only after beginning demolition has been met with skepticism by Lebanese officials and church leaders [1][3].

At least nine religious sites have been demolished in Israeli-controlled operations in southern Lebanon's border villages, including the Shrine of the Prophet Benjamin in Muhaib, churches in Dardghaya and Yaroun, and a mosque in Bli [3]. Lebanon's General Directorate of Antiquities submitted an urgent complaint to UNESCO requesting intervention to protect the Chamaa Castle archaeological site, which was added to the Enhanced Protection List under Protocol II of the 1954 Hague Convention in 2024 [3].

Legal Framework: Religious Sites in War Zones

The 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict establishes that religious sites warrant special protection during hostilities. Protocol II, ratified by Israel, provides for "enhanced protection" for sites on a designated list. However, international humanitarian law contains a military necessity exception — a party may target a protected site if it is being used for military purposes and no feasible alternative exists.

The question in Yaroun is whether the IDF's claim of past rocket fire from the compound constitutes sufficient military necessity to justify demolition during a period that is nominally a ceasefire. Precedent from the International Criminal Court's 2016 conviction of Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi for the destruction of cultural and religious sites in Timbuktu, Mali, established that intentional demolition of such sites constitutes a war crime — even when carried out by non-state actors [7]. Whether the ICC or other bodies will pursue accountability for destruction of religious sites in Lebanon remains an open question.

A Ceasefire in Name Only

The November 2024 ceasefire agreement between Israel and Lebanon, brokered with U.S. involvement, was meant to end hostilities and allow the return of displaced civilians on both sides. It required Israel to withdraw its forces from southern Lebanon and Hezbollah to pull back north of the Litani River [5].

Neither obligation has been fully met. By November 2025 — one year into the ceasefire — the Norwegian Refugee Council reported that Israeli attacks had killed 331 people and injured 945, including at least 13 children killed and 146 children injured [8]. UNIFIL documented more than 7,500 Israeli airspace violations and approximately 2,500 ground violations during the same period [8]. The IDF maintained five positions and two "buffer zones" inside Lebanese territory, in violation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701 [8][9].

Source: Lebanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs / Al Jazeera

Data as of Jan 26, 2026CSV

The Lebanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs documented 2,036 Israeli violations in the last quarter of 2025 alone — 542 in October, 691 in November, and 803 in December — and filed a formal complaint with the UN Security Council in January 2026 [9]. The complaint called on the council to compel Israel to "completely withdraw to beyond the internationally recognised borders," cease sovereignty violations, and release Lebanese prisoners [9].

Then, in March 2026, the situation escalated sharply. Following the broader 2026 Iran war and the killing of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, full-scale hostilities resumed between Israel and Hezbollah on March 2 [5][6]. The IDF issued evacuation orders covering over 189 towns and villages — approximately 14 percent of Lebanese territory — and demanded all civilians move north of the Litani River [10].

The Human Cost

The cumulative toll since the ceasefire began in November 2024 has been staggering. As of May 2, 2026, the total death toll stands at 2,659, with 8,183 people injured [2]. In a single 24-hour period on May 1-2, Israeli strikes killed 41 people across southern Lebanon [2].

Source: Lebanese Ministry of Health / Al Jazeera / NRC

Data as of May 2, 2026CSV

Roughly one million people — 20 percent of Lebanon's population — have been displaced [2][10]. Many have experienced repeated displacement and cannot return home because of ongoing strikes, evacuation orders, and widespread destruction of housing and infrastructure [10]. Several Lebanese municipalities have imposed restrictions requiring prior notification for rental agreements and tenant identification, while some landlords and local authorities have refused to rent to or have expelled displaced families, leaving some to sleep in cars or on the street [10].

The displacement crisis in Lebanon exists alongside a global surge in internal displacement. UNHCR data shows that countries like Sudan (10.1 million IDPs), Colombia (7.1 million), and Syria (6.5 million) face their own displacement emergencies [11].

Source: UNHCR Population Data

Data as of Dec 31, 2025CSV

Israel's Security Rationale

Israeli officials have consistently argued that continued operations in southern Lebanon are necessary to prevent Hezbollah from reconstituting the threat it posed before the 2024 war.

In January 2026, Israel's Foreign Ministry stated that "extensive Hezbollah military infrastructure still exists south of the Litani River" and that "the goal of disarming Hezbollah in southern Lebanon remains far from being achieved" [6]. Israeli officials further claimed that "Hezbollah is rearming faster than it is being disarmed," citing continued Iranian support and a visit by Iran's foreign minister to Beirut as evidence of ongoing weapons flows [6].

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu described Hezbollah's disarmament as "imperative for Israel's security and Lebanon's future" [6]. The IDF said it had killed over 390 Hezbollah operatives and members of allied groups, struck hundreds of Hezbollah sites, and conducted more than 1,200 raids in southern Lebanon since the November 2024 ceasefire took effect [6].

Lebanon's government has contested these characterizations. In January 2026, Lebanese officials announced the completion of the first phase of a plan to disarm Hezbollah in the south, though Netanyahu dismissed the progress as "far from sufficient" [12]. Independent verification of both Israeli claims about Hezbollah rearming and Lebanese claims about successful disarmament has been limited, with UNIFIL's monitoring capacity hampered by Israeli operations that have damaged the force's surveillance equipment [13].

Despite the losses inflicted by Israeli operations, Hezbollah has continued to demonstrate military capability, targeting Israeli soldier gatherings and military equipment with artillery and fiber-optic cable-controlled drones [2].

International Response and Double Standards

The demolition of the Yaroun convent has drawn attention from the Vatican and international church leaders. Pope Leo XIV called for an immediate ceasefire, stating: "On behalf of the Christians of the Middle East, and of all women and men of good will, I appeal to those responsible for this conflict: cease fire!" [14]. EU bishops meeting in Cyprus issued a declaration standing in solidarity with "all those suffering from devastating violence, instability and injustice in the Holy Land, Lebanon, Iran and the wider Middle East region" [14].

The international response to the destruction of religious and cultural sites has been notably uneven across conflicts. In Ukraine, UNESCO has "frequently named and condemned Russia as the perpetrator" of cultural destruction, documenting 1,630 damaged cultural heritage sites and 2,437 damaged cultural infrastructure facilities as of November 2025 [7]. In Gaza, where approximately 60 percent of cultural heritage sites and monuments were destroyed in the first six months of fighting, UNESCO has not taken its "usual approach of explicitly naming Israel as the perpetrator" [7].

The disparity extends to legal mechanisms. UNESCO worked with the International Criminal Court after conflicts in the Balkans and Mali to establish that intentional destruction of cultural property constitutes a war crime. No comparable proceedings have been initiated for the destruction of religious and cultural sites in either Gaza or Lebanon [7].

Aid, Conditions, and Leverage

The United States approved a $230 million aid package for Lebanon's security forces in October 2025, linked to Lebanon's commitment to disarm Hezbollah [15]. An additional $117 million in expanded security assistance was allocated for the Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security Forces [16]. A Congressional bill requires the Secretary of Defense and the head of U.S. Central Command to submit a report by June 30, 2026, assessing the LAF's progress in disarming Hezbollah and outlining "options for suspending assistance to the LAF if it is determined that such forces are unwilling to act to disarm Hezbollah" [15].

However, none of the U.S. aid packages have been conditioned on Israel halting operations in southern Lebanon. The assistance is structured to strengthen Lebanese state institutions as a counterweight to Hezbollah, not to constrain Israeli military activity. Gulf states and European allies have been urged to provide additional financial support, though specific commitments and disbursements remain unclear [15].

UNIFIL's Uncertain Future

The UN peacekeeping force that has patrolled southern Lebanon since 1978 is approaching the end of its current mandate. In August 2025, the UN Security Council voted to wind down the UNIFIL mission by the end of 2026 [17]. Three UNIFIL peacekeepers were killed during the renewed fighting, prompting a Security Council session in March 2026 where members "traded blame" for the deaths while urging respect for the ceasefire [18].

UNIFIL has continued to document violations — recording several airstrikes and hundreds of firing incidents across the Blue Line in a single two-day period in March [13]. But its capacity to enforce compliance has always been limited, and its diminishing presence raises questions about who will monitor violations once the mission concludes.

What Comes Next

The current three-week ceasefire extension, announced by President Trump on April 23, is set to expire in mid-May [5]. The pattern established since November 2024 — ceasefire announced, violations documented, casualties mount, new ceasefire announced — shows no sign of breaking.

For the residents of Yaroun and the hundreds of other towns and villages across southern Lebanon, the question is not whether a ceasefire holds on paper. It is whether the international community possesses the mechanisms, or the political will, to make one hold in practice. So far, the evidence suggests it does not.