Israel Intensifies Lebanon Military Operations, Entire Towns Displaced

On the morning of March 12, Ahmad Hamdan's house in central Beirut took a direct hit from an Israeli airstrike. When rescue workers pulled through the rubble, they found the father, his three daughters, and two grandchildren dead [1]. In the south, a man named only as Abu Ali buried his parents and four young daughters after a strike leveled their home — everyone he had left in the world [2]. These are not isolated tragedies. They are the recurring arithmetic of Israel's intensifying war on Lebanon, a campaign that in barely twelve days has killed at least 773 people, wounded nearly 2,000 more, and uprooted one in seven of the country's population [3].

What began as a Hezbollah retaliatory strike on March 2 — itself a response to the U.S.-Israeli killing of Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei on February 28 — has metastasized into the most destructive Israeli military operation in Lebanon since the 2006 war. And with reports emerging on March 14 that Israel has approved plans for a massive ground invasion south of the Litani River, the worst may still lie ahead [4].

From Ceasefire to Conflagration

The current disaster cannot be understood without the 16 months that preceded it. On November 27, 2024, Israel and Lebanon signed a ceasefire agreement, brokered by the United States, that was supposed to end hostilities and allow the Lebanese Armed Forces to deploy in the south in place of Hezbollah fighters [5].

The ceasefire never held. UNIFIL, the United Nations peacekeeping force in southern Lebanon, documented more than 10,000 Israeli violations of the agreement between November 2024 and March 2026 [6]. Lebanon's Ministry of Public Health reported at least 83 civilians killed by Israeli forces during the supposed truce [5]. Israel, for its part, accused Hezbollah of failing to disarm and used the alleged violations to justify keeping its forces in southern Lebanon well past the 60-day withdrawal deadline stipulated in the agreement.

By contrast, UNIFIL reported that Hezbollah claimed responsibility for only one attack on northern Israel during the entire ceasefire period [6]. The group maintained what observers described as a policy of non-confrontation — until the killing of Khamenei made restraint politically untenable.

On March 2, Hezbollah launched a large-scale rocket barrage into northern Israel, calling it a "defensive act" [7]. Israel's response was immediate and overwhelming.

The Scale of Destruction

In the first 100 hours of operations, Israel issued blanket evacuation orders covering more than 100 towns and villages south of the Litani River, ordering hundreds of thousands of civilians to move north "immediately" [8]. On March 5, a second mass evacuation order targeted Dahieh, the densely populated southern suburbs of Beirut — home to an estimated 500,000 people [9].

Source: GDELT Project

Data as of Mar 14, 2026CSV

The displacement has been staggering in its speed and scale. The Norwegian Refugee Council reported 300,000 displaced within the first four days [10]. By March 11, the UN counted 816,000 registered displaced persons — roughly 14% of Lebanon's entire population — with nearly 100,000 crossing into Syria [11]. Lebanese authorities opened 399 shelters, the majority in public schools, but 357 of them were already at full capacity within a week [11].

The death toll has climbed relentlessly. As of March 14, the Lebanese Ministry of Public Health reported 773 killed and 1,933 wounded since March 2. Among the dead: 103 children, 62 women, and 18 medical workers [3]. On that same day, doctors and nurses were among 23 people killed in strikes across the country, including 12 medical staff at a primary health center in the south [12].

Open-source investigators at the Centre for Information Resilience verified 99 Israeli airstrikes and their aftermath across Lebanon between March 2 and March 9 alone, including 41 incidents in Beirut [13].

"Like Gaza": The Threat of Total Devastation

On March 13, Israel struck the Zrarieh Bridge spanning the Litani River — the first time the military openly acknowledged destroying civilian infrastructure since the offensive began [14]. The same day, Israeli warplanes dropped leaflets over Beirut carrying an explicit warning: "In light of the great success in Gaza, the newspaper of the new reality arrives to Lebanon" [14].

The message was unmistakable. Israel's two-year siege of Gaza has killed over 40,000 people, displaced nearly the entire population, and reduced much of the territory to rubble. Now, the Israeli military was holding that devastation up as a template.

Defence Minister Israel Katz reinforced the threat, stating that the Lebanese government would face "increasing costs through damage to infrastructure and loss of territory" for as long as Hezbollah remained armed [14]. A senior Israeli official was more blunt: "We are going to do what we did in Gaza" [4].

The parallels are already emerging. A "double-tap" strike on March 12 hit the Ramlet al-Baida seafront in central Beirut, where displaced families had gathered in tents believing they were beyond any zone covered by evacuation orders. The night-time strikes, hitting at approximately 3 a.m. without warning, killed between 8 and 12 people and wounded 31 [15]. The International Organization for Migration condemned the attack, noting that the victims were internally displaced persons who had been deliberately seeking safety [15].

The Ground Invasion

On March 14, Axios reported that Israeli Army Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir had endorsed plans for the largest ground operation in Lebanon since 2006 [4]. The plan calls for seizing the entire area south of the Litani River and dismantling Hezbollah's military infrastructure, with large reinforcements of regular forces along the northern border and the mobilization of additional reserve units.

The operation represents a dramatic escalation. ACLED, the conflict data organization, described it as a shift from targeted strikes to a territorial campaign aimed at creating a permanent Israeli-controlled buffer zone [16].

The Trump administration has signaled support for disarming Hezbollah but has attempted to set limits. U.S. officials said Israel agreed to spare Beirut's Rafic Hariri International Airport — but stopped short of committing to protect other state infrastructure [4]. The distinction reveals the narrow diplomatic tightrope: Washington is endorsing an operation that could devastate a sovereign nation while trying to prevent the total collapse of the Lebanese state.

A Country Already Broken

The war has landed on a country that was already in free fall. Lebanon's economic collapse, which began in 2019, ranks among the worst in modern history. GDP has shrunk nearly 40% since 2019 [17]. The Lebanese lira lost over 98% of its value between 2023 and early 2024, wiping out the savings of ordinary families [17].

A World Bank assessment estimated that previous rounds of conflict had already caused $8.5 billion in combined physical damage and economic losses — $3.4 billion in infrastructure damage and $5.1 billion in economic losses [17]. The current offensive is compounding that toll at a pace that aid organizations say they cannot keep up with.

Source: FRED / U.S. Energy Information Administration

Data as of Mar 11, 2026CSV

The IRC placed Lebanon on its 2026 Emergency Watchlist before the current escalation even began, citing the compound effects of economic collapse, infrastructure destruction, and ongoing violence [18]. Médecins Sans Frontières has scaled up operations across the country, but with hospitals damaged by strikes and medical workers among the dead, the healthcare system is buckling [12].

UN Secretary-General António Guterres has requested $308 million in emergency funding to address the humanitarian fallout [17]. Five hospitals have been partially damaged, and several medical facilities have been forced to suspend operations due to security threats [12].

The International Response

At the UN Security Council, the response has been fractured along predictable lines. The United States, through Ambassador Mike Waltz, "strongly condemned" Hezbollah's attacks and affirmed Israel's right to self-defense [19]. Russia called Israel's response "disproportionate and excessive," noting the destruction of the Russian Cultural House in Nabatieh [19]. China urged an end to hostilities, and France condemned "deliberate attacks against UNIFIL" after three Ghanaian peacekeepers were injured on March 6 [19]. Spain "strongly condemned" the Israeli attacks and called for compliance with UN Security Council Resolution 1701 [19].

Council members have discussed issuing a presidential statement calling for an immediate ceasefire and recommitment to the November 2024 agreement — but analysts say the United States is unlikely to support any direct call for a cessation of hostilities in the near term [19].

Diplomatic efforts have been limited. Egypt and France have intensified backchannel talks, pushing for direct Israel-Lebanon negotiations on a postwar arrangement [20]. But with Israel planning a ground invasion and Hezbollah showing no signs of disarming, the window for diplomacy appears to be narrowing by the hour.

The Wider War

The Lebanon front is one theater in a sprawling regional conflict. The U.S.-Israeli military campaign against Iran, Operation Epic Fury, has struck over 5,000 targets in Iran, killed the country's supreme leader, and effectively closed the Strait of Hormuz — triggering the worst disruption to global energy supply since the 1970s. Oil prices have surged from under $67 per barrel in late February to nearly $95 by March 9, with some reports placing them above $110 [21].

Hezbollah's entry into the war was, in many ways, the domino that security analysts had long warned about. The group's attack on March 2 transformed a bilateral U.S.-Iran conflict into a multifront regional war, with Israel now fighting simultaneously in Gaza, Lebanon, and alongside the United States against Iran.

For Lebanon's civilians — sleeping in overcrowded schools, on seafront promenades, in their cars — the geopolitics are secondary to the immediate calculus of survival. One in seven of them is now displaced. The bridges are being destroyed. And the leaflets falling from the sky promise that what happened in Gaza is coming to Lebanon.

The question is no longer whether Lebanon faces catastrophe. It is whether anyone intends to stop it.