US and Iran Dispute Status of Submarine-Sunk Iranian Warship

On the morning of March 4, 2026, approximately 19 nautical miles off the coast of Galle, Sri Lanka, the Iranian Navy frigate IRIS Dena was struck by an MK-48 torpedo fired from the USS Charlotte, a Los Angeles-class nuclear attack submarine. Periscope footage released by the Department of Defense showed the torpedo striking beneath the stern, lifting the vessel out of the water before it broke apart and sank within minutes [1]. Eighty-seven Iranian sailors perished. Thirty-two were rescued by the Sri Lankan Navy. It was the first time a submarine had sunk an enemy warship by torpedo since HMS Conqueror sank the Argentine cruiser ARA General Belgrano during the Falklands War in 1982 — and the first such kill by an American submarine since the Pacific theater of World War II [2].

Now, less than a week later, Washington and Tehran are engaged in a sharp and consequential dispute: was the IRIS Dena an armed combatant or a defenseless vessel returning home from a peacetime exercise?

The answer carries implications far beyond propaganda. It touches on the legitimacy of the broader U.S.-Israel military campaign against Iran, the limits of presidential war powers, the obligations of belligerents under the Geneva Conventions, and the credibility of India's claim to be the "guardian" of the Indian Ocean.

The Broader Conflict

The sinking of the IRIS Dena did not occur in isolation. It took place five days after the United States and Israel launched Operation Epic Fury on February 28, 2026 — a coordinated campaign of nearly 900 strikes in 12 hours targeting Iranian missiles, air defenses, military infrastructure, and leadership [3]. The opening salvo killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and triggered a barrage of retaliatory Iranian missiles and drones across the Middle East.

By early March, the conflict had escalated into a multi-front crisis. Iran launched retaliatory strikes targeting U.S. embassies, military installations, and oil infrastructure throughout the Persian Gulf. Hundreds of ballistic missiles were fired toward Israel and at Arab Gulf states hosting U.S. forces [3]. The human toll mounted rapidly: the Red Crescent reported over 600 civilian deaths in Iran by March 3, while human rights organizations estimated 742 civilian casualties [3]. An estimated 2,100 members of Iranian military forces had been killed [3].

The economic reverberations were immediate. The conflict disrupted approximately 20 percent of global oil supplies transiting the Strait of Hormuz. Crude oil prices, which had been trading around $65-67 per barrel in late February, spiked sharply as military operations commenced [4].

Source: FRED / U.S. Energy Information Administration

Data as of Mar 4, 2026CSV

A Ship Returning from a Friendly Port

The IRIS Dena was not on a combat patrol when it was destroyed. The Moudge-class frigate — the fourth and most capable ship of its class, commissioned in 2021 — had been a guest of the Indian Navy. In February 2026, it participated in the International Fleet Review 2026 at the Indian port of Visakhapatnam and the multinational naval exercise MILAN 2026 [5]. These are exercises in naval diplomacy, not warfare, and typically involve ships from dozens of nations sailing together in a display of goodwill.

The Dena was on its way home when the USS Charlotte's torpedo found it.

This context is at the center of Iran's case. Deputy Foreign Minister Saeed Khatibzadeh stated: "That vessel was by invitation of our Indian friends, attending an international exercise. It was ceremonial. It was unloaded. It was unarmed" [6]. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi described the attack as "an atrocity at sea," emphasizing that the Dena had been "a guest of India's Navy" [6].

Defense analyst Rahul Bedi reinforced this point, noting that the standard protocol for ships participating in such reviews is to come unarmed: "The precondition of participating in such a parade, or such a ceremony, is that it comes unarmed" [6].

The U.S. Rebuttal

The United States rejected this characterization flatly. U.S. Indo-Pacific Command issued a statement on X calling Iran's assertion that the Dena was unarmed "false" [6]. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth described the IRIS Dena as a "prize ship" and said it "died a quiet death" [7].

The American position is bolstered by the Dena's known capabilities. As a Moudge-class frigate, the vessel was equipped with four Qader anti-ship cruise missiles, Sayyad surface-to-air missiles, a 76mm Fajr-27 dual-purpose gun, a 40mm Fath gun, two 20mm cannons, and a helicopter deck capable of hosting an anti-submarine warfare helicopter [8]. Its electronic systems included the Asr three-dimensional passive electronically scanned array radar, electronic warfare suites, and chaff launchers [8].

An anonymous Indian naval official complicated Iran's narrative further, indicating the vessel was not "entirely unarmed" and had participated in drills alongside other countries' warships [6]. India's defense ministry confirmed that "live firings as part of surface gun shoots, as well as anti-air firings, were also undertaken" by participating vessels during the exercises [6].

Yet the distinction between being structurally capable of carrying weapons and being operationally armed in a combat-ready configuration is exactly where the dispute hinges. Experts note that visiting warships at international fleet reviews typically do not carry a full combat load of live munitions unless scheduled for live-fire drills [6]. A ship returning from such an event, in peacetime transit configuration, occupies a different operational posture than one sailing into a war zone.

The Legal Quagmire

The armed-or-unarmed question feeds into a more fundamental legal debate: was the sinking of the IRIS Dena lawful?

Under the law of naval warfare, an enemy warship is generally a lawful target regardless of whether it is armed, because its status as a state vessel of a belligerent nation makes it a military objective [9]. As Professor James Kraska of Duke University argued, "The US Submarine Attack on the IRIS Dena Complied with the Law of Naval Warfare" [10]. Brian Finucane, a former attorney-adviser at the State Department, similarly noted that the attack "would have been lawful if the conflict was authorized" [9].

But therein lies the problem: Congress never authorized the war. The House of Representatives voted against a war powers resolution, and legal experts have argued that congressional authorization is required because the U.S. offensive against Iran is not a response to an imminent threat [9]. The legality of the broader military campaign — and by extension, every individual strike within it — remains contested.

"When you're going to have such global implications — that's one of the reasons the founding fathers said Congress gets to decide wars of choice," Finucane noted [9].

The question of the ship's armed status, while not strictly determinative under naval warfare law, carries enormous weight in the court of public opinion and in diplomatic forums. Sinking a defenseless ship returning from a friendly exercise is a far more damaging narrative than engaging an armed enemy combatant.

The Duty to Rescue

Another dimension of the legal debate concerns what happened — or didn't happen — after the torpedo struck. The USS Charlotte departed the area without attempting to rescue survivors or, as far as is publicly known, surfacing at all [11].

Article 18 of the Second Geneva Convention of 1949 requires parties to a conflict to "take all possible measures to search for and collect the shipwrecked, wounded and sick" after a naval engagement [11]. However, submarines face unique operational constraints. Surfacing exposes a submarine to significant risk, and the vessel cannot accommodate large numbers of survivors [11].

Legal scholars have identified an acceptable alternative: if a submarine cannot safely surface, it may fulfill its obligation by reporting the survivors' location to other vessels or authorities [11]. The rapid response of the Sri Lankan Navy — which rescued 32 sailors — suggests that U.S. forces likely transmitted the Dena's coordinates, though the Pentagon has not confirmed this [11].

Aftershocks Across the Indian Ocean

The sinking sent shockwaves through South Asia. Two other Iranian vessels that had been part of the same deployment — the IRIS Bushehr and IRIS Lavan — immediately sought refuge. The Bushehr, carrying 208 naval personnel including officer cadets, docked at Colombo on March 5, citing an "engine technical malfunction." Its 204 sailors were brought to Welisara Naval Base [12]. The Lavan, with a crew of 183, was allowed to dock at the Indian port of Kochi on humanitarian grounds [13].

Sri Lanka drew widespread praise for its response. The island nation's navy rescued survivors, provided medical treatment at Galle National Hospital, and took custody of the Bushehr's crew — actions many commentators described as both courageous and principled [14]. But Colombo also objected strongly to the attack itself. While the Dena was technically in international waters, it was within Sri Lanka's exclusive economic zone. The incident ignited fierce debate in Sri Lanka's parliament over national sovereignty and the government's "strategic paralysis" [15].

For India, the ramifications were more acute. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had declared that "The Indian Navy is the guardian of the Indian Ocean" [16]. Less than five months later, one of India's naval guests was torpedoed hours after leaving Indian waters — in a region India claims as its sphere of influence. The opposition Indian National Congress party slammed what it called the government's "silence" [16].

"The sinking of the IRIS Dena just hours after it left Indian waters is a massive blow to New Delhi's regional credibility," wrote one analyst [16]. The incident has been described as a litmus test for India's "strategic autonomy" — the foreign policy doctrine of maintaining independence from great power blocs — and one that India appears to have failed [17].

What the Armed-Unarmed Dispute Really Means

At its core, the dispute over whether the IRIS Dena was armed is a proxy for a larger argument about the legitimacy and proportionality of the U.S.-Israel military campaign against Iran. For Tehran, the narrative of a defenseless ship destroyed without warning while returning from a peacetime exercise underscores its broader claim that the war is an unjustified act of aggression. For Washington, insisting the vessel was armed reinforces the position that every Iranian military asset is a legitimate target in an ongoing conflict.

The truth likely resides in the ambiguous space between these positions. The Dena was a warship with significant weapons systems built into its structure. It may have carried some ammunition from live-fire drills during the MILAN exercises. But it was also transiting home from a diplomatic event, not deploying into a combat theater. Whether it had offensive weapons loaded and ready is a question that may never be fully resolved — the evidence now lies at the bottom of the Indian Ocean.

What is not in dispute is the human cost: 87 sailors dead, 32 rescued, and a precedent set that will shape the law and politics of naval warfare for years to come. The sinking of the IRIS Dena is not merely a military event. It is a legal, diplomatic, and moral inflection point — one that has exposed the fraying boundaries between peacetime and war, between allied obligation and geopolitical helplessness, and between the rules nations write and the ones they follow.