UK Platform 'House of the People' Opens Public Voting on Legislation and MP Rankings

A 23-year-old developer has built a platform that lets any Briton vote on real parliamentary bills and rank all 650 MPs. Constitutional scholars are alarmed. Civic tech veterans are sceptical. And Westminster hasn't said a word.

The Pitch

House of the People went live in 2025 with a deceptively simple premise: let ordinary citizens cast votes on the same legislation that passes through the House of Commons, then measure the gap between what the public wants and what Parliament delivers [1]. The platform, which covers every parliamentary bill and recorded division since 2006, also generates rankings of all 650 MPs based on how closely their voting records align with the preferences of registered users [2].

The site is the creation of Charlie Jobson, a British national born in December 2001, who incorporated House of the People Ltd on 9 July 2025 as a private limited company registered at 2 Eleanor Road, London E15 4AB, under SIC code 63120 (web portals) [3]. Jobson is listed as the company's sole director, with no co-directors or persons with significant control disclosed in the Companies House filing [4]. The platform describes itself as existing "solely to give users a direct voice in democracy and hold Parliament accountable through transparent, verifiable data" [1].

The concept quickly attracted media attention. Mike Graham of GB News promoted the platform on air, and the site has welcomed coverage from outlets across the political spectrum [5]. A mobile app for iOS is planned for Q2 2026, alongside constituency-level alignment metrics and, notably, biometric identity verification [6].

Follow the Money

House of the People operates on individual donations rather than advertising, institutional grants, or venture capital. Its support page lists monthly operating costs of approximately £350 — broken down as £300 for database and backend services (Supabase Pro), £20 for hosting, £20 for email delivery, and £10 for data processing [7]. The platform accepts one-off donations from £5 to £100, monthly subscriptions from £1 to £100, and cryptocurrency contributions via NOWPayments in BTC, ETH, USDC, SOL and other tokens [7].

The organisation explicitly states that it avoids data sales, cross-site user tracking, algorithmic manipulation, and political party funding [7]. It welcomes institutional partnerships with "organisations, unions, charities, and educational institutions supporting transparent democracy" [7].

No public disclosure links House of the People Ltd or Jobson to any political party, lobbying firm, or foreign government. But the company's first confirmation statement is not due until 22 July 2026, and its first accounts are not due until 9 April 2027, meaning the public will have limited financial visibility into the operation for at least another year [3]. Whether any significant donors have political affiliations is unknown — the platform does not publish a donor list.

This matters because, as openDemocracy's "Who Funds You?" project has documented, transparency about funding sources is a persistent weakness across UK think tanks and campaign groups [8]. A platform that aspires to rank elected representatives owes the public clarity about who pays for it.

Who Is Voting — and Who Isn't

The platform's homepage displays a vote counter, though at the time of research it showed zero cumulative votes — raising questions about whether the counter had been recently reset or whether public engagement remains minimal [1]. House of the People does not publish user registration figures, demographic breakdowns, or geographic distribution data. No independent audit of its user base has been made public.

This opacity makes comparison with general election participation difficult but instructive. The 2024 UK general election saw turnout of just 59.9%, the lowest since 2001 [9]. Among 18-to-24-year-olds, turnout collapsed to 37%, down from 47% in 2019 [10]. Turnout among the over-65s held at 72% [10]. Social class divides were stark: 67% of AB voters (higher and intermediate managerial/professional) turned out, compared with 47% of C2DE voters (skilled manual, semi-skilled, and unskilled workers) [10].

Source: House of Commons Library

Data as of Jul 4, 2024CSV

Source: British Election Study / Ipsos

Data as of Jul 4, 2024CSV

The risk for any civic tech platform is reproducing — or worsening — these participation gaps. Academic research consistently finds that digital democracy tools attract citizens who are already politically engaged, while those least likely to participate offline also decline to use online tools even when financially compensated to do so [11]. If House of the People's user base skews young, urban, and university-educated, its "democratic gap" metric would reflect not the distance between Parliament and the people, but the distance between Parliament and a self-selected subset of the digitally active.

Without published demographic data, this cannot be assessed. The platform has announced plans to release a public API for researchers, journalists, and developers to access anonymised voting data, but no timeline has been confirmed [6].

The Verification Problem

To register, users provide a UK postcode and confirm they are 18 or older [12]. The platform states it uses "the same verification standard as official UK petition platforms and Change.org: email verification plus UK postcode" [1].

This is a low bar. UK parliamentary petitions, administered through petition.parliament.uk, also use email verification, but they make no claim to produce binding democratic mandates or accountability rankings of elected officials. The House of the People's planned features page acknowledges the gap: biometric identity verification to prevent duplicate accounts is listed for Q2 2026 [6].

Until that upgrade arrives, the current system is vulnerable to several well-documented attack vectors. A single individual could create multiple email addresses with different postcodes to cast multiple votes. Coordinated campaigns — by partisan groups, tabloid readerships, or foreign actors — could systematically inflate or deflate specific MPs' rankings without any identity check beyond email confirmation. No independent security audit of the platform has been published or referenced [1].

The contrast with official UK electoral registration is significant. Registering to vote in a general election requires a National Insurance number, date of birth, and address verification through cross-referencing with government databases [13]. House of the People's verification sits several tiers below this standard.

What the Rankings Actually Measure

The platform allows users to compare their votes against each MP's recorded divisions and generates alignment scores [2]. But the methodology raises questions that the site does not fully answer.

First, the ranking reflects alignment with users who have voted on the platform — not with the MP's actual constituents. If 500 platform users in a constituency of 70,000 registered voters cast votes, the resulting alignment score represents less than 1% of the electorate.

Second, not all parliamentary votes carry equal weight. A vote on a minor statutory instrument and a vote on a budget bill are treated identically in an alignment calculation unless weighting is applied — and House of the People does not describe any such weighting system [2].

Third, the platform currently covers 380+ bills with AI-generated plain-English summaries [6]. How those summaries frame legislation — what they emphasise, what they omit — shapes how users vote. AI-generated summaries are not neutral; they reflect the training data, prompt engineering, and editorial choices of whoever configures them.

There is no public evidence that coordinated campaigns have already manipulated MP scores. But the structural conditions for manipulation exist: low-friction registration, no identity verification beyond email, and a ranking system whose methodology is not fully transparent.

The Constitutional Case Against

The strongest objection to platforms like House of the People does not come from technologists worried about bots. It comes from democratic theorists who argue that direct public voting on legislation is structurally incompatible with representative democracy.

The foundational text is Edmund Burke's 1774 speech to the electors of Bristol, in which he argued that a representative owes constituents not obedience to their instructions but "his unbiassed opinion, his mature judgment, his enlightened conscience" [14]. Burke insisted that "authoritative instructions, mandates issued, which the member is bound blindly and implicitly to obey" were "utterly unknown to the laws of this land" [14]. The Burkean view holds that MPs are not delegates executing the will of their voters but trustees exercising independent judgment on complex matters that most citizens lack the time, information, or expertise to evaluate.

This is not merely an 18th-century relic. Contemporary constitutional scholars, including those writing for the UK Constitutional Law Association, continue to argue that parliamentary sovereignty — the principle that Parliament alone has supreme legal authority — requires representatives who can negotiate, compromise, and protect minority interests against majority preferences [15]. A 2019 paper in the International Journal of Constitutional Law warned against "instantaneous democracy," arguing that real-time public participation in legislation collapses the deliberative space that representative institutions are designed to preserve [16].

The minority rights concern is empirically grounded. Research published in the Minnesota Law Review found evidence of "systematic anti-minority bias" in direct democratic decisions, particularly on issues involving immigration, religious minorities, and LGBTQ+ rights [17]. A study of naturalisation decisions in Switzerland, where some cantons used direct democracy to approve or reject citizenship applications, found that applicants from former Yugoslav countries were significantly more likely to be rejected than those from Western European nations [18].

Defenders of platforms like House of the People counter that these arguments assume citizens are uninformed and that representative institutions actually protect minorities — an assumption that the UK's own legislative record on issues from Section 28 to the Windrush scandal does not consistently support. The platform's supporters argue that transparency about how MPs vote, rather than binding mandates, is the real contribution: not replacing Parliament, but making it visible.

What Civic Tech Has Actually Achieved Elsewhere

House of the People is not the first platform to attempt this. The track record of comparable projects is mixed.

vTaiwan is the most frequently cited success. Launched in 2015 using the Pol.is consensus-building tool, vTaiwan has facilitated over 20 legislative reviews in Taiwan, and more than 80% of its deliberations have led to government action [19]. Its most notable achievement was resolving a six-year deadlock over Uber regulation by generating consensus conditions for legalisation [20]. But vTaiwan was explicitly designed as a consultation tool integrated with government decision-making — not a parallel voting system that ranks elected officials.

Better Reykjavik, launched in 2010 in post-crisis Iceland, achieved remarkable penetration: over 70,000 participants out of a city population of 120,000 [21]. By 2014, roughly 64% of citizen proposals submitted through the platform were accepted by the city council, and 798 citizen-originated projects were built through its participatory budgeting process between 2011 and 2017 [21]. A 2015 University of Iceland audit found that just over 40% of Reykjavik residents were satisfied with the platform [22] — a figure that could be read as either glass-half-full or glass-half-empty.

Finland's Open Ministry, part of the D-CENT project, enabled citizens to draft legislative proposals that, with sufficient signatures, could be submitted to Parliament [23]. Several crowdsourced bills were introduced, though their passage rate was low, and the platform's activity has declined since its initial period.

The academic literature on these platforms identifies a recurring pattern. A 2024 systematic analysis of digital tools for citizen participation, published in Government Information Quarterly, found that "the level of online citizen participation is generally limited" and that digital tools disproportionately attract already-engaged citizens [11]. The question of whether such platforms produce durable policy change or function primarily as a way for governments to demonstrate responsiveness without ceding real power remains open. A separate analysis noted that e-voting projects often serve "an e-government agenda to economize on government expenditures" rather than meaningfully extending democratic participation [11].

The Separate Citizens' Assembly

Confusingly, a separate initiative also called "House of the People" held its first sitting in London in July 2025 [24]. This project, organised by a group called Assemble and co-founded by Molly May-Shelton and Yaz Ashmawi, uses sortition — random selection with demographic weighting — to convene a citizens' assembly that deliberates on proposals drafted at open People's Assemblies across the UK [25]. The assembly was organised for £80,000, a fraction of the £1 million-plus typical cost for citizens' assemblies [25].

This assembly-based House of the People has been proposed as a replacement for the House of Lords — a fundamentally different model from the digital voting platform [26]. The two initiatives share a name and a belief that democratic institutions need reform, but their methods and implications diverge sharply. The assembly model involves deliberation among randomly selected citizens; the platform model involves aggregated individual votes by self-selected users.

What Comes Next

House of the People Ltd is less than a year old. Its founder is in his early twenties. Its operating costs are modest. Its user base is undisclosed. Its verification system is minimal. Its MP rankings are methodologically opaque. No MP has publicly responded to their ranking on the platform. No parliamentary committee has examined it. No independent security audit has been conducted.

None of this means the project lacks value. The underlying data — compiled from parliamentary records of every recorded division since 2006 — is public information presented in an accessible format. The "democratic gap" concept, whatever its methodological limitations, gives citizens a concrete way to see whether their representative's voting record matches their own preferences. And the platform's commitment to operating without advertising, data sales, or algorithmic manipulation sets it apart from the attention-economy model that dominates most digital platforms.

But the gap between what House of the People claims to measure and what it actually measures is significant. A platform that ranks MPs based on the votes of an unverified, demographically unknown, self-selected user base is not measuring the democratic gap. It is measuring something — but what, exactly, depends on who signs up, how they are recruited, and whether the system can resist coordinated manipulation.

The UK government's own Representation of the People Bill, laid before the Commons in February 2026, addresses electoral registration, voter ID, and political finance — but says nothing about third-party platforms that claim to score parliamentary performance [13]. As civic tech proliferates, the regulatory and constitutional questions it raises will only sharpen.

Edmund Burke told his Bristol electors that "government and legislation are matters of reason and judgement, and not of inclination" [14]. Whether a website can contribute to that reason and judgement — or merely amplify inclination — is the question House of the People has yet to answer.