UK House of Lords Blocks Assisted Dying Bill, Halting Landmark Legislation

On 24 April 2026, the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill — a measure to legalise assisted dying for adults in England and Wales with fewer than six months to live — died without a vote in the House of Lords. It was not defeated by democratic majority. It was buried under 1,200 amendments, 120 hours of debate, and a transcript longer than War and Peace [1]. Seven peers, none of them elected, tabled over 800 of those amendments between them [2]. The bill, which had passed the elected House of Commons by 314 votes to 291 on 20 June 2025 [3], was simply talked out of existence before Parliament prorogued.

The result has triggered a constitutional confrontation over the power of an unelected chamber to override the elected one — and left terminally ill people across England and Wales in exactly the legal position they were in before: no right to an assisted death, with the only option a trip to Switzerland that most cannot afford.

How the Bill Passed the Commons

Labour MP Kim Leadbeater introduced the bill as a private member's bill in October 2024 after winning first place in the ballot for such legislation [3]. On 29 November 2024, MPs voted 330 to 275 on an unwhipped free vote to allow the bill to proceed past second reading [3]. After extensive scrutiny in a public bill committee across 18 sittings, the Commons passed the bill at third reading on 20 June 2025 by 314 votes to 291 — a majority of 23 [4].

The bill then moved to the House of Lords, receiving its first reading on 23 June 2025 and passing its second reading on 12 September [5]. It entered committee stage on 14 November 2025 [5]. That is where it would stay — permanently.

The Safeguards in the Bill

The bill contained multiple layers of protection. To be eligible, a person had to be a terminally ill adult in England or Wales with a prognosis of fewer than six months to live, possessing the mental capacity to make an informed decision [6]. The process required assessment by two independent doctors [6]. Following amendments during Commons committee stage, the original requirement for a High Court judge to sign off on each case was replaced with a dedicated panel system — panels that would determine whether the criteria for seeking an assisted death had been met and issue or refuse a certificate of eligibility [7]. If the panel refused, the person could apply to a commissioner for reconsideration by a second panel [7]. A waiting period was built in to ensure voluntary, considered decisions [8].

Critics argued these safeguards were insufficient. Lord Goodman of Wycombe proposed amendments that would have increased the required assessments from two independent doctors and a panel to five doctors and a panel, including a geriatrician [2] — a requirement supporters described as "impossible to navigate for a terminally ill person with fewer than six months to live" [2]. Baroness Coffey proposed restricting eligibility to those who had not left the UK in the previous 12 months [2], an amendment characterised by supporters as both unenforceable and irrelevant to the bill's purpose.

The Seven Peers Who Blocked It

More than 1,200 amendments were proposed during Lords committee stage — a parliamentary record [9]. Over 800 of those were tabled or sponsored by just seven peers [2]:

• Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (169 amendments): A professor of palliative care medicine. She spoke for four hours and 41 minutes during debate [10]. Her professional background places her at the centre of the discipline most directly affected by legalisation, and she has long argued that better palliative care, not assisted dying, is the answer.

• Baroness Grey-Thompson (131 amendments): A former Paralympic athlete and crossbench peer. She denied deliberately blocking the bill, calling it "a poorly drafted bill with large gaps" and citing concerns about coercion of vulnerable people [10]. As a prominent disabled person, her opposition has carried particular weight in disability rights debates.

• Lord Carlile of Berriew (72 amendments): A barrister and King's Counsel who served as the independent reviewer of terrorism legislation from 2001 to 2011 [10]. A Liberal Democrat-appointed crossbencher with extensive national security law experience.

• Baroness Coffey (72 amendments): A Conservative former cabinet minister who served as Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs and briefly as Health Secretary.

• Lord Sandhurst (68 amendments): A Conservative hereditary peer and barrister.

• Lord Goodman of Wycombe (59 amendments): A Conservative peer.

• Lord Moylan (46 amendments): A Conservative peer and former adviser to Boris Johnson during his time as Mayor of London.

Lord Frost also proposed amendments to rename "assistance to end their own life" as "medical help to commit suicide by provision of lethal drugs" — language that opponents said added nothing to the bill's clarity while replacing "neutral, clinically accurate language with stigmatising terminology" [10]. Peers spent nearly an hour debating this wording change alone [10].

The Filibuster Question

The key procedural fact is that the Lords did not vote the bill down. They ran it out of time. Only seven of the bill's 59 clauses were discussed in almost 120 hours of debate [1]. The transcript totalled 607,077 words and produced only three minor changes to the bill [9].

Lord Charlie Falconer, who sponsored the legislation in the Lords, called it "pure obstructionism," saying: "It was an absolute travesty of our processes, which a few Lords manipulated by putting down 1,200 amendments … and then talking and talking and talking" [1].

The Constitution Unit at University College London analysed the situation in March 2026, identifying two primary delay tactics: tabling unusually high numbers of amendments and refusing to group amendments by topic, forcing debate on each individually [11]. The Unit noted a core difficulty: "filibustering concerns intent, it can be difficult to identify with certainty. One person's cynical obstruction may be another's earnest effort to apply thorough scrutiny to inadequate legislation" [11].

Unlike the House of Commons, which uses programming motions to set fixed timetables for debate, the Lords is largely self-regulating. There is no Speaker with the power to select or compulsorily group amendments, and bill stages end only when all clauses and amendments have been considered [11]. This procedural architecture made the filibuster possible.

The Democratic Deficit: Polling vs. the Lords

Public opinion polls consistently show strong majority support for assisted dying in the UK. The 2025 British Social Attitudes survey found 79% of people believe doctors should be allowed to help someone with a terminal illness end their life [12]. YouGov polling in 2025 put support at 75% [13]. An Ipsos poll in March 2026 found 65% supporting the specific bill being passed into law [14]. An Opinium survey in April 2026 showed 69% believed the debate should continue until Parliament reaches a decision [15].

Source: BSA / Ipsos / YouGov / Opinium

Data as of Apr 17, 2026CSV

The House of Lords, by contrast, is an unelected body of approximately 780 members including life peers appointed by the Crown on the advice of the Prime Minister, 26 Church of England bishops (the Lords Spiritual), and a diminishing number of hereditary peers [16]. Its membership skews older, more male, and more geographically concentrated in London and the South East than the general population. No peer faces an electorate.

Andrew Copson, Chief Executive of Humanists UK, called the outcome "deplorable" and "a stain on our democracy" [9]. Hannah Slater, a 38-year-old terminal cancer patient, said: "a small handful of Lords have blocked it. That is not democratic" [9].

The Steelman Case for Blocking

Not all constitutional scholars view the outcome as illegitimate. Professor Jo Murkens noted that the result was "constitutionally orthodox, even if politically contentious" [16]. The bill was a private member's bill, not a government manifesto commitment, which means it did not benefit from the Salisbury Convention — the understanding that the Lords will not block legislation that implements the governing party's manifesto pledges [16].

Professor Vernon Bogdanor pointed to the Lords' designed role as "a revising and deliberative chamber" and argued that morally complex questions may warrant more scrutiny than simple majoritarian rule allows [16]. Medical experts in the Lords — particularly Baroness Finlay, whose career has been devoted to palliative care — argued the bill "needs, at the very least, amendment" on clinical safety grounds [16].

There is a substantive version of this argument. The bill passed the Commons as a private member's bill with limited committee time compared to government legislation. The replacement of judicial oversight with a panel system happened during committee stage and may not have received the depth of legal scrutiny that such a fundamental change warranted [7]. Some bioethicists have argued that a Lords delay, whatever its tactical origins, could force a more robust version of the bill in its next iteration.

What International Evidence Actually Shows

Opponents repeatedly cited the "slippery slope" — the argument that once assisted dying is legalised, eligibility inevitably expands and vulnerable people are put at risk. The international evidence is mixed.

Source: Nuffield Trust

Data as of Jan 1, 2025CSV

According to a Nuffield Trust analysis, assisted deaths account for between 0.1% and 5.3% of total deaths across jurisdictions that have legalised the practice [17]. The Netherlands, which has had legal euthanasia since 2002, sits at the high end (5.3%), while Oregon, legal since 1997, remains at approximately 0.5% [17].

On eligibility expansion, the pattern is clear in some jurisdictions. Canada expanded access to non-terminal conditions in 2021 [17]. In Belgium, the proportion of assisted deaths involving non-terminal conditions grew from 7% in 2003 to 21% in 2023 [17]. The Nuffield Trust found "no examples where eligibility became more narrow or restrictive over time" [17].

However, the expansion trajectory varies enormously by jurisdiction. Oregon's Death with Dignity Act has remained "relatively consistent" in scope since 1997 [17]. Australia's state-level laws, enacted more recently, require terminal illness and mandatory clinician training [17].

On coercion specifically, a major study in the Journal of Medical Ethics examining Oregon and the Netherlands found "no evidence of heightened risk among the elderly," noting that rates of assisted dying were lowest in people over 80 (0.8% in 2005) and higher below age 65 (3.5%) [18]. However, troubling cases have emerged in Canada, where some people with disabilities have requested MAID citing poverty and inadequate care rather than a genuine wish to die [19] — a pattern that critics argue validates their worst fears.

Disability Rights and Palliative Care Opposition

Opposition from disability organisations was substantial and organised. An open letter coordinated by the National Down Syndrome Policy Group and signed by 61 organisations representing disabled people across the UK urged legislators to ensure the bill "does not inadvertently harm the most vulnerable in society" [20]. Disability Rights UK expressed being "deeply dismayed" by the Commons passage [20].

The concerns were specific. The LeDeR (Learning from Lives and Deaths) 2025 report showed that people with learning disabilities continue to die almost 20 years earlier than the general population, with almost half of those deaths considered avoidable due to failings in healthcare access [20]. The argument: in a healthcare system that already fails disabled people, introducing assisted dying creates a pathway that could be misused.

The Royal College of Psychiatrists also raised warnings, particularly around the assessment of mental capacity in terminally ill patients who may be experiencing depression or other psychiatric conditions [20].

Supporters counter that the bill applied only to adults with terminal illness and fewer than six months to live — a far narrower scope than Canada's MAID law, which is the source of most disability-related concerns [6]. They point to Oregon's 27-year track record, where assisted deaths remain a tiny fraction of all deaths and no coercion cases have been substantiated [18].

The Dignitas Route: Assisted Dying for Those Who Can Afford It

The bill's failure leaves the status quo intact — and the status quo has a price tag. Terminally ill Britons who wish to end their lives can travel to Dignitas in Zurich, Switzerland, where assisted dying is legal. The average cost is approximately £10,000, with a range of £6,500 to over £15,000 [21]. This excludes travel, accommodation, and lost income for family members who accompany them.

Under the Suicide Act 1961, anyone in the UK found guilty of assisting a person to access such services faces up to 14 years' imprisonment [22]. Over the 15 years since April 2009, 187 assisted suicide cases were referred from police to the Crown Prosecution Service, but only 24 resulted in prosecution [23]. The low prosecution rate reflects CPS guidance issued after the 2009 House of Lords ruling in R (Purdy) v DPP, which established factors weighing against prosecution — including that the suspect was motivated by compassion [22].

The practical effect is a two-tier system. Those with the financial resources and physical capacity to travel to Switzerland can access an assisted death. Those without cannot. As the campaign group Dignity in Dying has documented, the Dignitas route is "prohibitively expensive for many and denies the option to the majority of people in the UK" [21]. British membership of Dignitas has increased 80% over the past decade [21].

The Parliament Acts and What Comes Next

The Parliament Acts of 1911 and 1949 provide a mechanism for the elected Commons to override the Lords. Under the 1949 Act, if the Commons passes the same bill in two successive parliamentary sessions and one year has elapsed between second reading in the first session and final passage in the second, the bill can be sent for Royal Assent without Lords approval [24].

However, there are significant complications. The Parliament Acts have been used only seven times since 1911 [24]. Professor Bogdanor has argued that some scholars believe the Acts "were intended to apply only to government bills" [16], not private member's bills like Leadbeater's. This is contested — Humanists UK published analysis in January 2026 arguing the Acts can be used for this bill [25] — but it has never been tested in this context.

The more likely route is reintroduction. Campaigners have vowed to bring the bill back in the next parliamentary session [1]. If the government allocates government time to the bill — effectively adopting it — it could benefit from programming motions in both chambers, which would prevent the same filibuster tactics. Whether the Starmer government will take that step remains unclear. Keir Starmer voted for the bill as an MP but has not committed to making it government legislation [4].

Source: OpenAlex

Data as of Jan 1, 2026CSV

Academic research on assisted dying and euthanasia has surged in recent years, with publications peaking at 1,210 papers in 2023 — more than triple the 387 published in 2011 [26]. This reflects both the growing number of jurisdictions legalising the practice and intensifying scholarly scrutiny of outcomes.

A Constitutional Reckoning

The assisted dying bill's failure is about more than one piece of legislation. It has forced a public reckoning with the House of Lords' role in British democracy. The Parliament Act of 1911 was passed precisely because the Lords — then dominated by hereditary aristocrats — blocked the Liberal government's social reform agenda, including the "People's Budget" of 1909 [24]. The Act's preamble declared the intention to eventually replace the Lords with an elected second chamber. Over a century later, that has not happened.

The bill's journey exposed the structural tension at the heart of the UK's constitution: an elected chamber that passed landmark legislation on a free vote, and an unelected chamber where seven individuals could prevent it from becoming law — not by winning an argument, but by running out the clock. Whether that represents democratic failure or deliberative wisdom depends on where you stand. For terminally ill people who supported the bill, the distinction is academic. The law has not changed. The clock has run out on them, too.