Trump's DOJ Nominee Faces GOP Opposition Threatening Senate Confirmation

On June 8, 2026, the White House formally sent Todd Blanche's nomination for United States Attorney General to the Senate [1]. The move sets up what Senate Majority Leader John Thune has called a fight where "nothing is a safe or true bet" [2]. At least three Republican senators on the Judiciary Committee — Thom Tillis of North Carolina, John Cornyn of Texas, and John Kennedy of Louisiana — have voiced opposition or serious reservations about confirming the man who has been running the Justice Department since April [3].

The math is straightforward and unforgiving. The Judiciary Committee is split 12-10 between Republicans and Democrats. With all Democrats expected to oppose Blanche, a single Republican "no" on the committee produces a deadlock that effectively kills the nomination. As Sen. Josh Hawley put it: "That's essentially a one-vote committee" [4].

The Path to This Nomination

Blanche's rise to the top of the Justice Department was not the product of a conventional selection process. Trump initially chose Matt Gaetz for attorney general in November 2024, but Gaetz withdrew within days after Republican senators made clear they would not confirm him amid sexual misconduct allegations [5]. Trump then turned to Pam Bondi, the former Florida attorney general, who was confirmed in early 2025.

Bondi's tenure lasted roughly a year. Trump fired her on April 1, 2026, reportedly frustrated with her handling of the Jeffrey Epstein files and what he viewed as insufficient aggression in pursuing his political opponents [6]. Blanche, who had been serving as deputy attorney general since January 2025, stepped into the acting role.

Now Trump wants to make it permanent. Blanche announced the nomination at a private Rose Garden dinner on June 3, becoming the third person Trump has tapped for the attorney general position in this term alone [7].

Who Is Todd Blanche?

Blanche's career spans both sides of the Justice Department's work. He graduated from Brooklyn Law School in 2003, attending classes at night while working as a paralegal at the U.S. Attorney's office in Manhattan [8]. He spent over fifteen years at the department in various capacities, eventually becoming a federal prosecutor at the Southern District of New York [8].

He later moved to private practice, first at WilmerHale and then as a partner at Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft [8]. His most prominent private-sector work came when he represented Donald Trump during the 2023-2024 New York hush money trial — a role that made him a household name in legal circles and raised the central question now facing senators: can Trump's former personal defense attorney credibly serve as the nation's chief law enforcement officer?

Supporters point to his prosecutorial background and his operational competence running the DOJ as acting attorney general. Detractors say the personal attorney-to-attorney general pipeline creates an inherent conflict of interest.

The $1.776 Billion Flashpoint

The single issue that has most damaged Blanche's confirmation prospects is the "anti-weaponization" fund — a $1.776 billion pool announced by the Justice Department in May 2026 as part of a settlement of Trump's $10 billion lawsuit against the IRS over the leak of his tax returns [9].

The fund was designed to compensate individuals whom the DOJ deemed victims of government "weaponization." But it immediately drew bipartisan fury when it became clear that January 6 defendants — including those convicted of assaulting police officers — could be eligible for payouts [10].

Sen. Mitch McConnell, after meeting with Blanche, called the fund "utterly stupid, morally wrong — take your pick" [11]. McConnell specifically objected to the prospect of a "slush fund to pay people who assault cops" [12]. Republican senators pressed Blanche during a contentious meeting that lasted over an hour to accept guardrails and give Congress oversight of the fund's commissioners, changes Blanche initially resisted [11].

The fund also stalled a major Republican legislative priority. The GOP immigration enforcement bill ground to a halt as senators refused to vote while the fund remained active, creating a legislative hostage situation within Trump's own party [13].

Blanche eventually told a House committee and the Senate Appropriations Committee under oath that the DOJ was "not moving forward" with the fund [14]. But the damage to his standing among Republican senators was already done.

Source: U.S. Senate

Data as of Jun 9, 2026CSV

The Senate Math: Where the Votes Stand

Republicans hold 53 seats in the 100-member Senate, meaning Blanche can afford to lose no more than three Republican votes on a floor vote (assuming Vice President Vance could break a 50-50 tie and all Democrats vote no) [1]. But the real bottleneck is the Judiciary Committee, where the margin is much thinner.

Three Republican committee members have raised flags:

Thom Tillis (R-NC): The retiring senator has emerged as the pivotal vote. Tillis has demanded that Blanche explicitly condemn January 6 rioters who attacked police, telling reporters: "They better not have said for one minute that the people that beat up police officers like these right down here were righteous people" [3]. Tillis has also been a target of Trump's public attacks, which has not helped the White House's lobbying efforts.

John Cornyn (R-TX): The former Judiciary Committee chairman has raised questions about Blanche's ability to exercise independence from Trump. "Being attorney general is probably one of the hardest jobs in the cabinet because you're working for the president, but you're also supposed to be able to tell the president no, as the lead lawyer for the country," Cornyn said [3].

John Kennedy (R-LA): Kennedy opposed the anti-weaponization fund and has not committed to supporting Blanche [11].

Source: U.S. Senate roll call votes

Data as of Jun 9, 2026CSV

Historical Context: How Rare Is Same-Party Rebellion?

Attorney general nominations failing because of the president's own party is uncommon but not unprecedented. The closest modern parallel is the Gaetz withdrawal in 2024, when Republican senators' opposition forced Trump's first pick to step aside before a vote ever occurred [5].

Looking at recent confirmation votes, the trend is toward increasingly partisan and narrow margins. Pam Bondi was confirmed on a 51-vote margin in 2025. Jeff Sessions received 52 votes in 2017. William Barr got 54 in 2019 [15]. Compare these to Eric Holder's 75 votes in 2009 or Merrick Garland's 70 in 2021 — the bipartisan consensus around attorney general nominees has eroded significantly over the past decade.

Edwin Meese III, nominated by President Reagan, faced a year of fierce congressional opposition before ultimately winning confirmation on a divided vote — a reminder that protracted fights over the attorney general position, while unusual, are not new [16].

What would be historically unusual is for a nomination to die at the committee level because of same-party opposition. If Tillis votes no, it would represent a direct repudiation of the president by his own caucus on one of the most consequential executive branch positions.

The Constitutional Objections

The opposition to Blanche is not purely political. Legal scholars and some Republican senators have articulated structural concerns about installing a president's former personal defense attorney as the nation's top law enforcement officer.

Cornyn's objection goes to the heart of the attorney general's dual role: serving the president while also functioning as an independent legal authority for the entire country [3]. The attorney general is expected to push back on legally dubious presidential directives — a role that is inherently in tension with the loyalty dynamics of a former personal lawyer.

Blanche's testimony before Congress compounded these concerns. When asked about the anti-weaponization fund's scope, he stated: "It's not limited to Republicans. It's not limited to Democrats. It's not limited to January 6th defendants. It's limited only by the term weaponization" [17]. Critics read this as a refusal to draw clear lines around the fund's use, while supporters argued he was describing the fund's legal structure rather than endorsing any particular payout.

The Yale Law & Policy Review has noted the inherent tension in the president-attorney general relationship, observing that proximity between the two can compromise the department's independence [16]. Blanche's case puts that tension in sharp relief.

The Factions Driving Opposition

The Republican opposition to Blanche does not come from a single ideological wing. Instead, it represents a convergence of different concerns:

Institutionalists like Cornyn are focused on the structural independence of the DOJ. Their concern is that Blanche's personal ties to Trump will prevent him from fulfilling the attorney general's duty to say no to the president when necessary.

Law-and-order conservatives like Tillis and McConnell object primarily to the anti-weaponization fund and its implication that January 6 defendants who assaulted police should receive government compensation. This is a visceral issue for senators who have championed support for law enforcement throughout their careers.

Broader GOP frustration also plays a role. Republican Senate aides have described the caucus as "past the boiling point to a place of resentment" with the White House [18]. After repeatedly working to advance Trump's agenda — changing Senate rules to fast-track nominees, confirming batches of over 100 nominees at a time [19] — senators feel the White House has undermined their efforts with unforced errors like the weaponization fund.

The White House Counterstrategy

The Trump administration has limited tools available to force the nomination through. Blanche's decision to declare the anti-weaponization fund dead — under oath before the Senate Appropriations Committee — was a direct concession aimed at neutralizing the primary objection [14].

But the concession itself revealed a diminished White House. One GOP source noted that senators needed Blanche's sworn testimony to Congress rather than a statement from Trump on Truth Social, suggesting the president's direct word no longer carries sufficient weight with his own caucus [7].

The earliest the Judiciary Committee could schedule a hearing is mid-July. If confirmation proceedings follow the fastest possible timeline, a committee vote could occur by late July and a floor vote before the August recess [4]. But if Tillis or another Republican digs in, the timeline stretches indefinitely.

Meanwhile, the White House retains a fallback. Legal analysis suggests Trump could keep Blanche atop the DOJ as acting attorney general even if Senate confirmation stalls, using the Federal Vacancies Reform Act provisions that allow acting officials to serve while nominations are pending [20]. This gives the administration less urgency to compromise but also ensures DOJ leadership remains in legal limbo.

What Happens If the Nomination Fails

A failed Blanche nomination would carry consequences beyond the DOJ. Trump has already cycled through three attorney general picks in this term (Gaetz, Bondi, Blanche). A fourth withdrawal or defeat would set a modern record for executive branch personnel instability at the department.

The DOJ is not the only front where the White House faces confirmation headwinds. Two Republican senators pushed back on Trump's Federal Reserve nominations after DOJ threats against Fed Chair Jerome Powell [21]. The broader pattern suggests a Senate Republican caucus that, while still broadly supportive of Trump's agenda, is increasingly willing to assert its constitutional prerogative on individual nominees.

The timeline pressure is real. Without a confirmed attorney general, the DOJ operates under the cloud of acting leadership — a status that limits the department's authority in certain legal proceedings and undermines its institutional credibility with federal courts, state attorneys general, and international counterparts.

For Blanche, the path forward runs through one senator's office. If Thom Tillis hears what he needs to hear about January 6, the nomination advances. If he doesn't, Todd Blanche may find himself in the rare position of a nominee who has the president's full confidence but not enough votes from the president's own party to get the job.