Trump Questions Own Iran War: 'Maybe We Shouldn't Even Be There'

Sixteen days into Operation Epic Fury — the joint U.S.-Israeli military campaign that killed Iran's Supreme Leader and plunged the Middle East into its worst crisis in decades — President Donald Trump made a startling admission aboard Air Force One. Asked about international efforts to secure the Strait of Hormuz, Trump mused aloud: "You could make the case that maybe we shouldn't even be there at all because we don't need it" [1]. The remark, suggesting the United States was attacking Iran "out of habit, which is not a good thing to do," sent shockwaves through Washington and laid bare the deepening contradictions at the heart of a war the president himself ordered.

The Remark That Shook Washington

Trump's comment came during a press gaggle on Sunday, March 15, as he discussed his unsuccessful push to assemble an international naval coalition to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, which Iran has effectively blockaded since the war began on February 28 [2]. The president claimed the United States "doesn't need any oil" from the region — a dubious assertion given that the strait handles roughly 20% of global oil supply and its closure has sent crude prices from $67 per barrel in late February to nearly $95 by the second week of March [3].

The remark represented a sharp rhetorical departure from the administration's official justification for the war. Just days earlier, the White House published a statement titled "Operation Epic Fury: Decisive American Power to Crush Iran's Terror Regime," framing the campaign as essential to American security [4]. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth had promised "the most intense day of strikes" yet. And Trump himself had alternated between declaring the war "very complete" and "ahead of schedule" while simultaneously saying the U.S. needed to "finish the job" [5].

"Sorry, what was that?" one critic responded on social media, capturing the collective bewilderment [1].

A War Without a Clear Endgame

Trump's self-questioning arrives at a moment when the administration's inability to articulate coherent war aims has become impossible to ignore. Over sixteen days, the president has cycled through a dizzying array of stated objectives: from "major combat operations" that would last "four to five weeks" [6], to declaring the war already "won" [5], to calling it "a little excursion" [7], to threatening to kill new Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei [8], to floating the idea that he must personally approve Iran's next leader [9], to now suggesting the entire enterprise may be unnecessary.

CNN analysis noted the fundamental paradox: "If Trump has already won the Iran war, why does he need foreign ships to help him end it?" [2]. Arab and European officials told CNN they have not been able to detect what Trump's endgame looks like — or whether one exists at all [10]. Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle have similarly professed little understanding of how the administration will define victory.

Sen. Josh Hawley, the Missouri Republican, illustrated the degree to which the GOP has outsourced its war judgment to the president, telling reporters he "wouldn't be able to answer what victory in Iran looks like until Trump declares it" [11].

The Human and Economic Toll

The costs of the conflict continue to mount. At least thirteen U.S. service members have been killed, including six Army reservists who died when a drone struck a port in Kuwait on March 1, and the six crew members of a refueling aircraft that went down in western Iraq [6][12]. Over 1,400 Iranians have been killed, including at least 165 people — mostly children — in the Minab school airstrike that has drawn international condemnation [7].

Source: FRED / U.S. Energy Information Administration

Data as of Mar 9, 2026CSV

The economic fallout has been equally severe. WTI crude oil prices surged from roughly $67 per barrel before the war to over $94 within ten days, a spike of more than 40% [3]. The International Energy Agency declared it the largest oil supply disruption in recorded history, announcing an unprecedented coordinated release of 400 million barrels from strategic reserves [13]. Gas prices have jumped 19% in a single month, and the S&P 500 has declined steadily from around 6,880 on February 27 to 6,632 by March 13 — a loss of approximately $2 trillion in market capitalization [14].

Source: FRED / S&P Dow Jones Indices

Data as of Mar 13, 2026CSV

Energy Secretary Chris Wright acknowledged that Americans are "feeling it right now" regarding higher prices, estimating the impact could last "a few more weeks" [15].

A Public That Never Bought In

Trump's questioning of his own war comes against a backdrop of consistent public opposition. According to a Quinnipiac University poll conducted March 6-8, 53% of registered voters oppose U.S. military action against Iran, while only 40% support it. The partisan divide is stark — 85% of Republicans support the action while 89% of Democrats oppose it — but independents break heavily against the war at 60-31% [16].

Perhaps more damaging for the administration, 74% of voters oppose sending U.S. ground troops into Iran, including 52% of Republicans. Sixty-two percent say the administration hasn't provided a clear justification for the strikes, and 59% believe Trump should have sought Congressional approval first. By a 51-29% margin, voters say Trump's handling of Iran has made the United States less safe [16].

A Reuters/Ipsos poll found even starker numbers: just 27% of Americans approve of Trump's handling of the situation, while 43% disapprove, with more than half agreeing that Trump is "too willing to use military force" [17]. A YouGov survey showed 45% of Americans believe Trump made "the wrong decision" in attacking Iran, compared to just 31% who think he made the right one [17].

Trump's approval on Iran stands at 36% — down six percentage points from January 2020, when he faced a comparable crisis after ordering the killing of Iranian General Qasem Soleimani [18].

MAGA Divided

The war has opened a rare fissure in Trump's political base. Tucker Carlson, the former Fox News host and influential right-wing media figure, called the attack "absolutely disgusting and evil" and suggested that "the United States didn't make the decision here. Benjamin Netanyahu did" [19]. Megyn Kelly, another conservative media powerhouse, has cast the push for regime change as "a mistake he will come to regret" [19].

Trump responded with characteristic aggression, declaring "MAGA is Trump — MAGA's not the other two" and telling ABC News that "Tucker has lost his way" and "he's not MAGA" [19]. The president went further, publicly attacking Rep. Thomas Massie, the Kentucky Republican who has been one of the war's most vocal critics within the party, calling him "a disaster for our party" while elevating his primary opponent at a rally [11].

Yet the dissent reflects a real tension within the coalition that elected Trump partly on promises to end American military interventions abroad. "Not what we voted for," declared the headline of one ABC News report capturing grassroots MAGA sentiment [20]. The isolationist strain of the American right — long a minority but a vocal one — sees the Iran war as a betrayal of the "America First" doctrine that defined Trump's political identity.

Fox News' biggest stars remain largely supportive, and some analysts argue the intra-MAGA divide is overstated [21]. But the fact that Trump felt compelled to publicly excommunicate Carlson — once considered his most important media ally — suggests the criticism has landed.

Congressional Paralysis

On Capitol Hill, the war has exposed the limits of congressional war powers in the Trump era. The Senate rejected a resolution from Sen. Tim Kaine aimed at limiting Trump's military actions in Iran, with only Sen. Rand Paul breaking Republican ranks, while Sen. Jon Fetterman was the lone Democrat to cross the aisle in support of the president [4]. The House similarly voted to let Operation Epic Fury continue.

Senate Democrats are now threatening to force a wave of procedural war votes unless Republican leadership agrees to hold public committee hearings with administration officials [22]. Senate Majority Leader John Thune has resisted, saying he doesn't expect "public hearings specifically on the Iran war" [11]. Sen. Cynthia Lummis, a Wyoming Republican, offered a tellingly conditional response: "If then the effort gets murky on how to get to the objective, that might be a good time to have some hearings, but it's too early" [11].

Former Rep. Adam Kinzinger, the Republican who served on the January 6 committee, offered a bipartisan critique, saying Trump's "biggest mistake" was "not preparing the American people for it" [23].

The Contradictions Compound

Trump's "maybe we shouldn't even be there" comment does not exist in isolation. It is the latest and most striking in a cascade of contradictions that have defined the administration's messaging throughout the conflict. The president has called the war "very complete" while ordering continued escalation. He has demanded "unconditional surrender" while appearing amenable to an outcome where Iran simply replaces one hardline ayatollah with another. He has declared the U.S. doesn't need allies while simultaneously demanding that China, France, Japan, South Korea, and the UK send warships. He has talked about striking Iran "for fun" while American service members are coming home in flag-draped coffins [5][24].

As one CNN analysis noted, the incoherence has fueled impressions among even allies that "these guys just don't know what they're doing" [10]. The disconnect between Trump's rhetoric and reality on the ground has spurred questions about whether his advisers are giving him unvarnished intelligence assessments.

The Political Math

The political consequences are becoming tangible. Republican strategists are increasingly anxious about the war's impact on November's midterm elections. Sen. Rand Paul warned of a "disastrous election" for the GOP if energy prices remain elevated [15]. Gas prices, already up 19% in a month, threaten to undermine the party's signature campaign promise of affordable energy [14].

Democratic strategist Brad Bannon summarized the opposition's view: "He made a promise to bring prices down, and they're still going up" [15]. Democrats view the situation as advantageous for November, with strategist Kelly Dietrich characterizing the administration as "flying by the seat of their pants" [15].

The broader question — one that Trump's own musing aboard Air Force One inadvertently raised — is whether a president who questions the rationale for his own war can sustain the political will to prosecute it. Sixteen days in, with no ceasefire in sight, oil prices near triple digits, thirteen American service members dead, and his own base fracturing, Trump's offhand remark may prove to be the most honest assessment of Operation Epic Fury yet offered by any senior American official.

And it came from the man who ordered it.