Senate Republicans Express Anger Over Trump's Endorsement of Paxton Against Cornyn

On May 19, 2026, President Donald Trump posted a Truth Social endorsement that sent a shockwave through the United States Senate. "Ken is a true MAGA Warrior who has ALWAYS delivered for Texas, and will continue to do so in the United States Senate," Trump wrote, backing Attorney General Ken Paxton over incumbent Senator John Cornyn in the state's GOP primary runoff [1]. The endorsement arrived one week before the May 26 vote — and during the Senate Republicans' weekly policy luncheon, where senators learned the news in real time.

Their reaction was immediate and, by the standards of a party that rarely breaks with Trump publicly, remarkable.

"I'm Speechless": The Senate Erupts

Multiple Republican senators went on the record with criticisms of the president's decision — a near-unprecedented display of open dissent under Trump's second term.

Senator Lisa Murkowski of Alaska called herself "supremely disappointed," adding: "How does that help strengthen the president's hand when we lose a state like Texas?" [2]. Senator Susan Collins of Maine said she "doesn't understand" why Trump endorsed an "ethically challenged individual" [3]. Senator Ron Johnson of Wisconsin offered two words: "I'm speechless" [3]. Senator Bill Cassidy of Louisiana — himself freshly defeated by a Trump-endorsed primary challenger days earlier — was more pointed: "I thought Ken Paxton was a felon" [3].

Senate Majority Leader John Thune, who had spent months lobbying Trump to either endorse Cornyn or stay neutral, was stone-faced. "It's his decision," Thune said, adding that he received no advance warning: "I found out the way I think everybody else did" [4]. Senator Roger Wicker of Mississippi stood in silence for approximately 20 seconds when asked for comment [3].

Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, often the most reliable Trump ally in the chamber, conceded the practical consequences: "I think Paxton can win, yeah, but I think it'd be three times more expensive" [5]. Senator Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia warned about resource diversion: "Any time you dilute it, and if it's more competitive in a big state like Texas, that's costly" [5].

An unnamed senior Republican aide was more blunt, telling NOTUS the endorsement "destroys Trump's governing majority" [5]. Another GOP source familiar with Texas politics said: "This race could be the reason we lose the Senate" [5].

The Numbers: A Tight Primary, a Lopsided Money Race

The March 2026 primary ended without a majority winner. Cornyn took 42% to Paxton's 40.5%, triggering the May 26 runoff [1].

Source: Texas Secretary of State

Data as of Mar 4, 2026CSV

But by the time Trump weighed in, the dynamics had shifted. A University of Houston poll from early May showed Paxton leading Cornyn by a narrow margin among likely GOP runoff voters [6]. An earlier poll from the Barbara Jordan Public Policy Research Center put Paxton ahead by 8 points [7]. Even before the presidential endorsement, momentum had moved toward the challenger.

The fundraising gap, however, tells a different story. In the first quarter of 2026, Cornyn raised approximately $9 million to Paxton's $2.2 million. Including allied PACs, the disparity grew: Texans for a Conservative Majority, the largest pro-Cornyn super PAC, raised $9.5 million, while the pro-Paxton Lone Star Liberty PAC took in $2.1 million [8]. Houston businessman John Nau contributed $3.9 million to the pro-Cornyn effort over the cycle [8].

Source: FEC / Texas Tribune

Data as of Apr 15, 2026CSV

Paxton's donor base skewed toward a smaller number of large individual contributions — Douglas Scharbauer, a Midland oilman, gave $750,000; Gary Heavin, founder of the Curves fitness chain, contributed $500,000 [8]. Some of Paxton's organizational support came through less transparent channels: Conservative Texans PAC received its funding from a Virginia-based dark money group called American Prosperity Alliance [8].

Paxton's Legal Record: A Liability or a Badge of Honor?

Ken Paxton's tenure as Texas Attorney General has been defined by legal battles — both those he initiated on behalf of the state and those directed at him personally.

In 2020, eight senior employees at the Office of the Attorney General reported Paxton to the FBI and Texas Rangers, alleging he had abused his office to benefit Austin real estate investor Nate Paul [9]. Four of those employees were fired within weeks and subsequently sued under the Texas Whistleblower Act [9].

That lawsuit triggered a chain of events that led to Paxton's impeachment. When Paxton asked the Texas House Appropriations subcommittee for taxpayer funds to settle the whistleblower case at $3.3 million, the House General Investigating Committee opened its own inquiry [9]. In May 2023, the committee unveiled 20 articles of impeachment on charges of abuse of office and bribery. The House voted 121–33 to impeach — a bipartisan supermajority [9].

The Texas Senate acquitted Paxton on all charges in September 2023, with none of the articles meeting the two-thirds threshold of 21 votes required for conviction [9]. In 2025, the Department of Justice under the Trump administration declined to prosecute Paxton on related federal charges [9].

The whistleblower case, however, continued. In April 2025, a Travis County judge awarded the four former employees $6.6 million — nearly double the original proposed settlement. Paxton dropped his appeal in July 2025, accepting the judgment [10].

For Paxton's supporters, the acquittal and the DOJ's decision to drop the case vindicate their claim that the allegations were politically motivated. For his critics, the record — impeachment by his own party's legislative supermajority, a multimillion-dollar whistleblower judgment, and an FBI investigation that lasted years — represents a level of baggage unusual even by the standards of contentious Senate primaries.

The Case for Trump's Endorsement

Trump's stated rationale centered on loyalty during adversity. Cornyn, he wrote, "was not supportive of me when times were tough" [1]. This is not without basis in Cornyn's record.

Cornyn voted to certify the 2020 election results. He was the lead Republican negotiator on the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act of 2022 — the most significant federal gun legislation in three decades — which Trump publicly attacked, calling Cornyn a "RINO" and warning the deal would "go down in history as the first step in the movement to TAKE YOUR GUNS AWAY" [11]. The bill expanded background checks for buyers under 21, incentivized state red-flag laws, and directed $11 billion toward mental health services [11].

In the context of a Texas GOP primary, these positions carry real cost. The gun bill has become what the Texas Tribune called a "reelection liability" [11]. Paxton, by contrast, has positioned himself as an unwavering Trump loyalist, filing dozens of lawsuits against the Biden administration and leading the multistate effort to challenge the 2020 election results at the Supreme Court.

Polling suggests this alignment resonates with GOP primary voters. In the University of Houston runoff poll, Paxton led among respondents who said Trump's endorsement was "very important" to their vote [6]. The question is whether what works in a Republican primary translates to November.

The Electability Gap

This is where the data most concerns Senate Republicans.

In a general election matchup against Democratic nominee James Talarico, a state representative, Cornyn led by approximately 1 point in one poll. Paxton, by contrast, trailed Talarico by 5 points in a Texas Public Opinion Research survey and by 8 points in a University of Houston poll [7][6]. A critical detail: 24% of Cornyn primary voters told pollsters they would be likely to cross over and vote for Talarico if Paxton were the nominee [7].

Source: University of Houston / Texas Polls

Data as of May 5, 2026CSV

Texas is not a swing state — Trump carried it by roughly 14 points in 2024. But candidate quality matters even in red states. The Cook Political Report rates the seat "Likely Republican," though the rating came with a caveat about the "messy" primary, Talarico's fundraising, and a national pattern of Democratic overperformance in 2025 and 2026 special elections [7].

A Paxton nomination would require Republicans to spend tens of millions defending a seat they have held since 1993. Graham's estimate that it would cost "three times more" is consistent with historical patterns: in 2022, Republicans spent over $50 million defending Georgia's Senate seat with Herschel Walker as the nominee, only to lose it [5].

Trump's Pattern: Rewarding Loyalty, Punishing Dissent

The Cornyn endorsement fits a pattern Trump has accelerated in his second term. Days before backing Paxton, Trump successfully helped push Senator Bill Cassidy of Louisiana out of his own primary. Cassidy — who voted to convict Trump in his second impeachment trial — finished third in a three-way race, behind Trump-endorsed Rep. Julia Letlow and State Treasurer John Fleming [12].

Trump has also targeted Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky and endorsed challengers in Indiana state Senate races, where his candidates swept multiple incumbents in May 2026 [13]. Across his political career, Trump has endorsed against Republican incumbents approximately 17 times, with about 35% of those challengers winning [14]. The success rate, however, has increased in his second term, as the threat of a Trump endorsement now functions as a deterrent — several targeted incumbents have retired rather than face primary challenges.

The broader pattern reveals a strategic logic: Trump uses primary endorsements to enforce a loyalty standard that extends beyond policy agreement to personal allegiance during contested moments. Cornyn's sin was not ideological heterodoxy writ large — his lifetime conservative rating remains high — but specific acts of independence at moments Trump considers defining.

What's at Stake for the Senate

The institutional consequences extend beyond Texas. Cornyn is a 23-year Senate veteran who formerly served as Republican Whip and chair of the National Republican Senatorial Committee [15]. He sits on the Finance, Intelligence, and Judiciary committees and has been a central figure in judicial confirmation strategy since the George W. Bush administration.

Senate Republicans hold a 53–47 majority. Their 2026 map is already defensive, with seats in North Carolina, Maine, Iowa, and now potentially Louisiana requiring significant investment [5]. Adding Texas to that list — in what would be the most expensive Senate race in the country — strains finite resources.

The reconciliation process, which Republicans are using to advance Trump's legislative priorities on tax cuts, border security, and energy, depends on near-unanimous GOP support. Cornyn has been a key vote-counter and negotiator in that process. If he loses the primary, his lame-duck period runs through January 2027 — during which his incentive to carry water for a president who ended his career is significantly diminished.

If Paxton wins the general election, he arrives in the Senate with no legislative experience, no committee relationships, and a legal history that will dominate his first months in office. If he loses the general election, Democrats pick up a seat in a state that hasn't elected a Democratic senator since 1988.

One Week Out

The May 26 runoff will now be conducted under the full weight of Trump's endorsement. Cornyn's campaign released a statement emphasizing his conservative record and electability, while Paxton declared the endorsement proof that "the MAGA movement is united behind our campaign" [1].

For Senate Republicans, the calculus is grim but familiar: they can either accept Trump's decision and rally behind Paxton, or speak out and risk their own standing with a president who has demonstrated, repeatedly, that dissent carries consequences. Most will likely choose the former. The senators who spoke up on May 19 — Murkowski, Collins, Johnson, Cassidy — are either retiring, recently defeated, or already outside Trump's orbit.

The rest of the conference will watch the runoff results, then the general election polls, then the fundraising numbers — and quietly begin planning for the possibility that holding the Senate majority in 2026 just became significantly harder.