Rubio Dismisses India's Concerns Over US Visa Curbs, Citing America-First Policy

On May 24, 2026, Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar stood beside US Secretary of State Marco Rubio at a joint press conference in New Delhi and said what Indian officials had been communicating through back channels for months: "Legal mobility must not be adversely impacted" by Washington's immigration overhaul [1]. Rubio's reply was blunt. The changes, he said, are "not a system that is targeted at India; it is one that's being applied globally" [2]. But the numbers tell a different story about who bears the cost.

India accounts for roughly 70% of all H-1B visa approvals [3]. All five US consulates in India have pushed H-1B visa interview dates to 2027 [4]. A $100,000 fee on new H-1B petitions, signed into effect by President Trump in September 2025, has made hiring foreign workers prohibitively expensive for many employers [5]. And a May 2026 directive from USCIS effectively forces green card applicants to leave the country for consular processing abroad, upending the lives of professionals who have lived in the United States for years [1].

The diplomatic friction is real. But beneath the headlines about Rubio and Jaishankar lies a collision between domestic political imperatives and the economic architecture that both countries have spent decades building.

The Restrictions: What Has Actually Changed

The Trump administration has enacted several concrete policy changes since returning to office, distinct from rhetorical signals.

The $100,000 H-1B fee. Signed via presidential proclamation on September 19, 2025, the fee applies to new H-1B petitions — not renewals — for beneficiaries outside the US or petitions requesting consular notification [5]. A federal court upheld the fee in December 2025, though two additional lawsuits remain pending [6]. The American Immigration Council called the fee "likely unaffordable" for many companies [6].

Wage-based lottery selection. Effective February 27, 2026, USCIS began selecting H-1B applicants using a tiered wage system that prioritizes higher-paid workers, classifying applicants into four levels based on offered wages [7].

Elimination of domestic adjustment of status. On May 22, 2026, the Department of Homeland Security announced that USCIS would grant Adjustment of Status — the process by which a visa holder transitions to permanent residency without leaving the country — only under "extraordinary circumstances" [1]. This forces hundreds of thousands of foreign nationals to return to their home countries and process through US consulates abroad.

Enhanced enforcement. In 2025, the Department of Labor launched Project Firewall, targeting employers suspected of H-1B program abuse [3]. Indian-based companies saw H-1B petition approvals drop 70% from 2015 levels and 37% from 2024 [8].

The cumulative effect has already registered in the data. Indian student enrollment in the US dropped 6.9% to 352,644 in 2026 [9].

The Numbers: Who Holds These Visas

Indian nationals dominate the H-1B program. In 2025, USCIS processed 283,772 new H-1B applications from Indian nationals, accounting for 69.9% of all applicants [3]. Chinese nationals, the second-largest group, account for roughly 12% [10]. Over 80% of computer-related H-1B positions are filled by Indian workers [10].

Source: USCIS Annual Reports

Data as of Oct 1, 2025CSV

Among specific employers, Amazon held the most H-1B workers — more than 14,000 as of mid-2025. Microsoft, Meta, Apple, and Google each had over 4,000 [11]. The top seven Indian-based IT companies — firms like Infosys, TCS, and Wipro — had 4,573 H-1B petitions approved for initial employment in fiscal year 2025, a fraction of their historical volume [8].

The concentration extends beyond tech. H-1B workers are present across healthcare, finance, academia, and scientific research — sectors where domestic labor supply does not meet demand at current wage levels.

Economic Stakes: $456 Billion in GDP, $80 Billion in Taxes

The economic argument against restricting high-skilled immigration rests on substantial evidence. According to the Hoover Institution, new H-1B visa workers are estimated to add $456 billion to GDP and $113 billion to federal tax revenue over ten years [12]. H-1B holders contribute more than $80 billion in taxes annually, with an additional $25 billion paid toward Social Security and Medicare — benefits most of them will never collect [13].

The average H-1B worker earns between $100,000 and $120,000 and pays 20% to 40% of gross income in taxes [13]. India's National Association of Software and Service Companies (NASSCOM) warned that the $100,000 fee alone could reduce operating profits for major Indian IT firms by 7% to 15% [10].

India's Ministry of External Affairs stated that "skilled talent mobility and exchanges have contributed enormously to technology development, innovation, economic growth, competitiveness and wealth creation" in both nations [10]. The ministry cautioned that the fee increase is "likely to have humanitarian consequences by way of the disruption caused for families" [10].

The Green Card Backlog: 396,000 People in Limbo

The human dimension of this dispute is concentrated in the employment-based green card backlog. Approximately 396,000 approved I-140 petitions — the employer-sponsored immigration petition — are awaiting available visa numbers, with roughly 90% originating from Indian nationals [14]. That figure does not include spouses and dependent children.

Source: USCIS / Cato Institute

Data as of Jan 1, 2026CSV

As of early 2026, the Final Action Date for EB-2 India — the category most commonly used by skilled professionals — was processing applicants who filed before mid-2014, meaning a 12-year wait for those who filed recently [14]. The EB-1 category, reserved for individuals with extraordinary ability, carries an approximately 3-year backlog for Indian nationals [14].

The root cause is the per-country cap: no single country can receive more than 7% of employment-based green cards in a given year, regardless of demand [14]. For a country that produces the majority of H-1B holders, this cap creates a mathematically impossible queue. Many Indian professionals spend their entire careers in the United States on temporary status, unable to change employers freely, start businesses, or make long-term plans.

The 'America First' Case: What the Research Shows

Rubio framed the restrictions as part of a necessary correction. "We've had a migration crisis in the United States... over 20 million people illegally enter the United States over the last few years," he said at the New Delhi press conference [2]. The administration's position conflates legal high-skilled immigration with illegal border crossings — two systems that operate through entirely separate channels — though officials argue that a comprehensive overhaul necessarily affects both.

The strongest version of the restrictionist argument comes from labor economists who have documented specific instances of displacement. Investigations by 60 Minutes and The New York Times found cases where companies laid off American workers and replaced them with H-1B hires, sometimes requiring displaced employees to train their replacements [15]. The Heritage Foundation has argued that the program needs "drastic reform to put Americans first," citing wage suppression in certain occupational categories [16].

The Economic Policy Institute has documented evidence of "widespread wage theft in the H-1B program," with some employers paying below prevailing wages [17]. Critics argue that the program, as administered, functions less as a talent pipeline and more as a cost-reduction tool for employers.

However, the broader empirical evidence is more nuanced. A study from the IZA Institute of Labor Economics found that the average employer receiving H-1B visas does not displace American workers, and that companies receiving the visas "initially hired more foreign-born workers but also typically experienced growing revenue and were eventually able to hire additional workers" [15]. A Congressional Research Service review of two quasi-experimental studies found mixed results, with negative wage effects concentrated among lower-skilled workers and diminishing over time [18]. The Mercatus Center at George Mason University warned that restrictions produce "unintended consequences," including offshoring of entire operations to countries with fewer barriers [19].

India's Leverage: Defense, Trade, and the Quad

India is not a supplicant in this relationship. Bilateral defense trade has reached $20 billion, making the United States India's third-largest arms supplier after Russia and France [20]. A ten-year Framework for the US-India Major Defense Partnership is set to be signed later in 2026, covering Javelin anti-tank guided missiles, Stryker infantry combat vehicles, and P-8I maritime patrol aircraft [20].

In February 2026, the two countries signed a trade agreement under which Trump agreed to lower tariffs on Indian goods to approximately 18%, linked to India's commitment to reduce Russian oil purchases [21]. Both nations have set a target of doubling bilateral trade to $500 billion by 2030 under "Mission 500" [20].

The Quad alliance — the United States, India, Japan, and Australia — remains central to Washington's Indo-Pacific strategy for countering Chinese influence [22]. Any serious deterioration in US-India relations over visa policy would weaken a partnership that both the Pentagon and the State Department have identified as strategically essential.

India has not explicitly linked visa policy to defense procurement or trade agreements in public. But Jaishankar's statement that people-to-people ties are "at the heart of the relationship" and that visa friction is "very relevant to our business, technology and research cooperation" carries an unmistakable subtext [1].

India has also been hedging. It is fast-tracking free trade agreements with the EU, GCC, and ASEAN, building on successful deals with the UK and Oman signed in 2025 [23]. Diversification reduces India's exposure to any single bilateral rupture.

Industry Opposition: Who's Fighting Back

The US Chamber of Commerce has been the most prominent institutional opponent of the restrictions. Its Executive Vice President Neil Bradley stated that "the Chamber shares" the president's goal of attracting "the world's best and brightest" but opposed the fee structure as counterproductive [11].

The specific companies with the most at stake are identifiable. Amazon (14,000+ H-1B holders), Microsoft, Meta, Apple, and Google (4,000+ each) collectively depend on thousands of foreign workers in engineering, research, and product development roles [11]. These companies argue that restricting their ability to hire globally will push innovation overseas, not back to American workers.

Critics of the industry position counter that these firms have the resources to train and hire domestically but prefer the H-1B pipeline because it produces workers who are tied to their sponsoring employer and often accept lower wages than their American counterparts would demand. The Center for Immigration Studies has pointed out that the Chamber of Commerce itself has acknowledged the program is not exclusively about the "best and brightest" [24].

Historical Precedent: Does Diplomatic Pushback Work?

Allies pressuring Washington on immigration policy is not unprecedented, but the track record is mixed. During the Chinese Restriction era of 1882-1888, the United States valued its relationship with China enough to subject immigration restriction to diplomatic negotiation — but ultimately passed the Chinese Exclusion Act anyway [25].

More recently, Mexico's sustained objections to US border enforcement have produced tactical concessions but no fundamental policy reversals. The European Union's establishment of the ETIAS travel authorization system was explicitly a reciprocal response to American visa restrictions on European nationals [25].

India's situation differs in a critical respect: it is not objecting to restrictions on its own citizens at the border but to changes in a legal immigration system that both countries built together over three decades. The H-1B program, the IT outsourcing industry, and the Indian professional diaspora in the United States are products of deliberate policy choices by both governments. Dismantling one side of that arrangement while expecting the other to remain stable is, at minimum, a gamble.

What Comes Next

The Rubio-Jaishankar exchange clarified positions without resolving them. India wants proportionality — restrictions on illegal migration should not penalize legal channels. The Trump administration wants a comprehensive overhaul in which every visa category is subject to "America First" scrutiny.

The $100,000 fee remains in litigation. The wage-based lottery is in effect. The adjustment of status restrictions are generating confusion and hardship for hundreds of thousands of people already in the country. And the green card backlog continues to grow by tens of thousands of cases per year.

For the nearly 400,000 Indian nationals waiting for permanent residency, the policy debate is not abstract. Many have spent a decade or more in the United States, paying taxes, raising American-born children, and building careers — all while their legal status depends on an employer's continued sponsorship and a queue that moves in single-digit increments per year.

Rubio said there would be "some bumps on that road" [2]. For the people caught in the system, the road has no visible end.