Paralympic Gold Medalist Josh Turek Wins Iowa Senate Republican Primary

On the evening of June 2, 2026, the Associated Press called Iowa's Democratic Senate primary for state Rep. Josh Turek at 9:42 p.m. Eastern time, with the two-time Paralympic gold medalist leading state Sen. Zach Wahls 63.1% to 36.9% with 38% of ballots counted [1]. The final margin — roughly 25 percentage points — was decisive. But the road to that result raised questions about the role of outside money in Democratic primaries, the political utility of disability identity, and whether any Democrat can win statewide in a state that has moved sharply to the right.

A note on the record: Despite some initial reports framing Turek as a Republican candidate, he ran in and won the Democratic primary. He will face Republican Rep. Ashley Hinson, who won the GOP nomination with endorsements from President Trump and retiring Sen. Joni Ernst, in the November general election [2].

Source: Iowa Secretary of State / AP

Data as of Jun 2, 2026CSV

The Primary: Money, Margins, and Accusations

Turek and Wahls each spent roughly $1.5 million through their respective campaigns [3]. The decisive financial factor was VoteVets, a national Democratic super PAC that poured nearly $10 million into the race on Turek's behalf — three times more than both campaigns' combined spending [4]. VoteVets accounted for almost two out of every three ad dollars Democratic groups spent during the primary [3].

The scale of that investment demands scrutiny. VoteVets' stated mission is to support candidates who served in the armed forces. Turek is not a military veteran. The group defended its involvement by pointing to Turek's connection to military service: he was born with spina bifida after his father, a Vietnam War veteran, was exposed to Agent Orange [5]. VoteVets officials also noted the organization has previously supported nonveterans [4].

Wahls was unconvinced. He framed the spending as a proxy for Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer's efforts to handpick nominees in competitive races. "We are going to defeat Chuck Schumer on June 2nd," Wahls told supporters, an unusual line for a Democratic primary candidate [6]. He told voters that with him, they would get "a candidate who can look them in the eye and tell them with a straight face: I don't owe Chuck Schumer or anybody else in Washington, D.C., a damn thing" [6].

Schumer's office repeatedly denied involvement. But the timing is suggestive: polls fielded in February and March, before VoteVets began spending, showed Wahls ahead of Turek. By May, after the ad blitz, Turek had taken the lead [4].

Who Is Josh Turek?

Turek, 47, was born in Council Bluffs, Iowa, with spina bifida and underwent 21 surgeries by age 12 [5]. He has used a wheelchair since childhood. His mother, Luellen, was a social worker and community college instructor [5].

He became a standout wheelchair basketball player, representing the United States at four Paralympic Games and winning gold medals with Team USA at Rio 2016 and Tokyo 2020 [7]. He played professional wheelchair basketball in Spain, where he met his wife [5].

After retiring from competitive athletics, Turek worked as volunteer director for the Ryan Martin Foundation, which provides disabled children with opportunities to play sports for free, and later worked with a wheelchair and mobility assistance company to provide complex rehab technology to people with disabilities [7].

In 2022, he won election to the Iowa House of Representatives from District 20 by six votes after a recount — making him the first permanently disabled member of the Iowa legislature [5]. He launched his Senate campaign in August 2025 [8].

The Disability Question: Identity and Policy

Turek's Paralympic biography is central to his public image. CNN profiled him as "a Paralympian and 'prairie populist'" [9]. Fox News led its coverage by noting "Democrats turn to Paralympian" to flip a Senate seat [2]. The question is whether the gold-medal framing obscures or illuminates his actual policy positions.

On disability-specific policy, Turek has a concrete legislative record. In the Iowa House, he led bipartisan legislation to remove Medicaid income limits for employed Iowans with disabilities, a measure designed to let disabled workers keep their healthcare coverage without penalizing workforce participation [5]. He has compared the Americans with Disabilities Act to the Emancipation Proclamation, calling it "what gave us the freedom of movement and access and, really, the ramp to society" [10].

On federal policy, Turek supports a public health insurance option, restoring Affordable Care Act subsidies, and reversing Medicaid spending cuts passed under the One Big Beautiful Bill Act [9]. He opposes cuts to Medicaid broadly [9].

What remains less clear from public reporting is Turek's position on several specific federal disability policy debates: ABLE Act expansion (which allows tax-advantaged savings accounts for people with disabilities), Medicaid home- and community-based services funding, and ADA enforcement priorities. No major disability-rights organizations' endorsements or criticisms of his candidacy appeared in the available reporting. This gap is worth watching as the general election proceeds.

Disability Representation in American Politics

Turek's candidacy is unusual but not unprecedented. According to a Rutgers University report, an estimated 10.3% of elected officials at the federal, state, and local levels have disabilities — more than five percentage points below the adult disability rate in the general population, which the CDC puts at roughly 25% [11].

A handful of high-profile disabled politicians have served in Congress: Sen. Tammy Duckworth, who lost both legs in Iraq; former Rep. Jim Langevin of Rhode Island, the first quadriplegic to serve in Congress; and former Rep. Madison Cawthorn [11]. But elite disabled athletes who transition to electoral politics remain rare in the United States. No comprehensive database tracks Paralympic or Olympic athletes who have won partisan primaries.

Cross-national comparison is similarly thin. The UK, Canada, and Australia have each elected disabled members of parliament, but systematic research on whether disability representation produces measurable policy differences is sparse. Former Sen. Tom Harkin's authorship of the ADA in 1990 — driven in part by his deaf brother — is perhaps the strongest American case study, and Harkin's endorsement of Turek directly links the two [10].

The Opponent He Beat: Wahls and the Anti-Establishment Case

Zach Wahls, 32, is an Iowa state senator who first gained national attention in 2011 as a teenager testifying before the Iowa legislature in defense of his two mothers' marriage [6]. He positioned himself as the insurgent candidate, arguing that the Democratic Party's national brand is "broken and, frankly, very toxic" in Iowa [6].

Wahls secured the endorsement of Sen. Elizabeth Warren and pledged not to support Schumer as Democratic leader [3]. His core argument against Turek was structural: that a nominee backed by $10 million in Washington-aligned super PAC spending would be unable to credibly distance himself from a national Democratic Party that Iowa voters have increasingly rejected.

The two candidates agreed on many policy positions — both supported a wealth tax on billionaires and opposed Medicaid cuts under the One Big Beautiful Bill Act [12]. Their sharpest policy split came on the Senate filibuster: Wahls argued Democrats should eliminate it entirely to pass major priorities like a public health insurance option, while Turek called for reforms but opposed full elimination [12].

They also clashed on reproductive rights, with Wahls attacking Turek for supporting a state bill that funded crisis pregnancy centers [12]. Turek defended his record but the exchange highlighted tensions between pragmatism and ideological purity within the Democratic primary electorate.

Wahls's 37.4% share is not negligible. It represents a constituency of Iowa Democrats who are skeptical of Washington's role in picking nominees and who believe electability requires demonstrable independence from party leadership — a concern that will not disappear simply because Wahls lost.

The General Election Landscape

Turek now faces Rep. Ashley Hinson, 42, who represents Iowa's 2nd Congressional District and won the Republican primary with endorsements from both Trump and Ernst [2]. The race is for the open seat left by Ernst's retirement.

Iowa's partisan trajectory is the central structural challenge for any Democratic candidate. The state voted for Barack Obama twice — by 9.5 points in 2008 and 5.8 points in 2012 — before swinging hard toward Republicans. Trump carried Iowa by 9.4 points in 2016, 8.2 points in 2020, and 13 points in 2024 [13]. No Iowa Democrat has won a U.S. Senate race since Tom Harkin in 2008.

Source: Iowa Secretary of State / AP

Data as of Jun 2, 2026CSV

Despite that trajectory, early polling suggests the race is competitive. An Echelon Insights poll found both Turek and Wahls at 46% against Hinson's 44%, though with significant undecided voters [14]. A separate GBAO poll of 1,200 likely voters from March gave Hinson narrow leads — 4 points over Turek and 3 over Wahls — within the margin of error [14]. Prediction markets, as of the primary, gave the Republican nominee a 62% chance of winning [13].

Both parties view the seat as consequential. Democrats see it as a potential pickup in their effort to retake the Senate majority. Republicans see it as a seat they should hold in a state that has moved decisively in their direction.

The $10 Million Question

The VoteVets spending is the most underexamined dimension of this race. A NOTUS investigation described the phenomenon as "mystery money displacing actual campaigns in Democratic primaries," grouping the Iowa race with similar patterns in Montana and elsewhere [15].

The organizational logic is straightforward: national Democratic groups want nominees they believe can win general elections, and they are willing to spend heavily to get them. Whether that spending reflects genuine grassroots assessment or top-down candidate selection is a matter of perspective.

Turek's defenders point to his compelling biography, his proven ability to win in a swing district (his 2022 state House race, decided by six votes, demonstrated a capacity to compete in tough terrain), and his "prairie populist" brand as evidence that he was the stronger general election candidate regardless of outside spending.

His critics — and Wahls made this case explicitly — argue that a candidate whose primary victory was underwritten by outside money at a 3-to-1 ratio to combined campaign spending starts the general election with a credibility deficit, particularly in a state where voters have punished the national Democratic brand.

Turek's Path Forward

Turek has positioned himself as a "common-sense moderate Democrat" and invoked the tradition of Tom Harkin's prairie populism [9]. His campaign has emphasized door-to-door canvassing across rural Iowa, a strategy designed to counteract straight-ticket Republican voting by establishing personal connections [9].

His disability is both an asset and a complication in this effort. On one hand, his Paralympic story provides an immediate and memorable introduction that transcends partisan framing — voters may not agree with his healthcare positions, but they are unlikely to forget meeting a two-time gold medalist in a wheelchair. On the other hand, disability advocates have long warned against "inspiration porn," the tendency to reduce disabled people to symbols of overcoming adversity rather than engaging with them as political actors with substantive positions [11].

Turek appears aware of this tension. His campaign website leads with policy, not medals. His legislative record in the Iowa House — particularly the Medicaid income limit bill — suggests a candidate whose disability informs but does not define his agenda.

The general election will test whether that distinction holds under the pressures of a high-spending national race, and whether a state that has moved 22 percentage points toward Republicans over four presidential cycles has room for a Democrat of any biography.

Source: FRED / Census Bureau

Data as of Jan 1, 2024CSV

Iowa's median household income of $83,730 as of 2024 [16] sits above the national median, but that figure masks significant variation between urban centers like Des Moines and Cedar Rapids and the state's extensive rural communities, where hospital closures, consolidation of agricultural operations, and population decline have reshaped daily economic life. These are the voters Turek's "prairie populist" message targets — and the voters Hinson will argue are better served by Republican governance.

The November election will determine not just who represents Iowa in the Senate, but whether the Democratic Party's strategy of investing heavily in charismatic candidates with crossover appeal can overcome structural partisan disadvantages — or whether the money would have been better spent letting primary voters choose their own champion.