Israel Kills Iran's Security Chief and Basij Commander in Highest-Level Assassinations Since Khamenei

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz announced on Tuesday that Ali Larijani, secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, and Gholamreza Soleimani, commander of the Basij paramilitary militia, were "eliminated last night" in targeted airstrikes on Tehran [1][2]. If confirmed, the killings represent the most significant decapitation strikes against Iran's leadership since former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was assassinated on February 28, the first day of the joint U.S.-Israeli military campaign known as Operation Epic Fury.

Iran has neither confirmed nor denied the deaths [3].

Who Were the Targets?

Ali Larijani

Ali Ardashir Larijani, 67, was one of the most powerful civilian officials in the Islamic Republic. Born in Najaf, Iraq in 1958, Larijani held a succession of senior roles over four decades: Iran's chief nuclear negotiator (2005–2007), speaker of parliament for 12 years (2008–2020), and most recently secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, a position he resumed in August 2025 [4][5].

In that role, Larijani oversaw Iran's defense, intelligence, and foreign policy apparatus. Following Khamenei's assassination, and with new Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei reportedly incapacitated by injuries sustained in the same strike that killed his father, analysts believed Larijani had become one of the de facto decision-makers steering Iran's war effort [5][6].

Larijani came from one of Iran's most prominent political families — his four brothers have all served in significant government positions, including a former chief justice [5]. He was last seen publicly on Friday, attending an Al-Quds Day rally in Tehran alongside President Masoud Pezeshkian [3].

"This is probably the most significant political figure they've taken out since the supreme leader himself," said one Western intelligence analyst quoted by the Washington Post [7].

Gholamreza Soleimani

Brigadier General Gholamreza Soleimani, approximately 61 years old, commanded the Basij forces for six years [2][3]. The Basij is a volunteer paramilitary organization under the IRGC, founded after the 1979 revolution, that serves as Iran's primary instrument of internal repression. Soleimani was sanctioned by the United States, European Union, and other nations for his role in orchestrating the violent suppression of domestic protests, including the 2022 Mahsa Amini uprising [1][8].

The Israeli military described the Basij under Soleimani as having "led the main repression operations" against civilian demonstrators, "employing severe violence, widespread arrests and the use of force" [1]. His death, if confirmed, would disrupt the regime's ability to maintain domestic control at a time when the war is placing unprecedented strain on Iranian society.

The Strategic Calculus of Decapitation

The Larijani and Soleimani strikes bring the estimated number of senior Iranian officials killed since February 28 to approximately 40 [9]. The toll includes Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and members of his family, IRGC Commander-in-Chief Mohammad Pakpour, Defense Minister Aziz Nasirzadeh, Defense Council secretary Ali Shamkhani, and numerous other military and intelligence commanders [10][11].

Israel has been explicit about the campaign's objective. "The leaders of the regime are being killed and their capabilities terminated," Defense Minister Katz stated [3]. The Israeli military added that it would "continue to target Iranian government figures" [2].

The strategy raises fundamental questions about its effectiveness. Mohamed Elmasry, a professor at the Doha Institute, characterized the approach as "a game of whack-a-mole," arguing that "there's always another leader" and that the killings alone would not bring about regime collapse [3]. Al Jazeera analyst Nida Ibrahim noted the strikes would "be celebrated in Israel as a big strategic success" while cautioning that "regime survival doesn't depend on any single individual" [3].

Yet the cumulative impact is harder to dismiss. With the supreme leader dead, his successor wounded and absent from public life, the security council chief reportedly eliminated, and the IRGC's commander-in-chief killed in the opening strikes, Iran's civilian and military command structure has suffered damage unprecedented in the modern history of state-on-state conflict.

A War With No Off-Ramp

Source: FRED / U.S. Energy Information Administration

Data as of Mar 17, 2026CSV

The assassinations arrive as the conflict enters its 18th day with no diplomatic pathway visible. Iran's Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi rejected claims of ceasefire negotiations on Saturday, declaring: "No, we never asked for a ceasefire, and we have never asked even for negotiation. We are ready to defend ourselves as long as it takes" [12]. A senior Iranian security official told the Lebanese channel Al-Mayadeen that there is "no scenario for a ceasefire" at present [13].

On the U.S.-Israeli side, the IDF stated on March 15 that it still has "thousands of targets" to strike across Iran, with new ones identified daily [14]. President Trump has alternated between calling the war a "little excursion" and promising the "most intense" strikes yet, while Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth declared that Iran's drone attack capability has been reduced by 95% [15].

The disconnect between these military claims and the conflict's spiraling consequences is stark. The war has spread across at least a dozen countries. Saudi Arabia intercepted 37 drones in a single day on March 16. A drone incident near Dubai International Airport forced flight suspensions. Missile strikes have hit targets in Iraq, Lebanon, Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, and the UAE [13]. Israel has expanded ground operations against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon, where the death toll has reached 850, including over 100 children [13].

The Human and Economic Cost

Iran reports 1,444 dead and 18,551 injured as of Sunday [13]. The Hengaw Organization for Human Rights, an independent Kurdish monitoring group, estimated 4,300 killed in the war's first ten days alone, with about 390 confirmed as civilians [16]. More than 6,000 IRGC members have been killed and 15,000 wounded, according to IDF intelligence estimates [17]. At least seven U.S. service members have died, with approximately 200 wounded [15].

The Iranian government says U.S.-Israeli strikes have damaged more than 42,000 civilian sites, including homes, schools, and hospitals [16]. The strike on a girls' school in Minab that killed at least 165 people — most of them children — has become a galvanizing moment for international criticism of the campaign [15].

Source: IDF / Hengaw / Iran Health Ministry / DoD

Data as of Mar 17, 2026CSV

The economic fallout continues to escalate. WTI crude oil surged 4.2% to $97.08 per barrel on March 17, while Brent crude climbed 4% to $103.65 [18]. Oil prices have risen roughly 50% since the war began, when WTI stood near $67. The Strait of Hormuz, through which 20% of the world's oil transits, remains effectively closed — a blockade that new Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei has declared will continue as a "tool to pressure the enemy."

What the Larijani Strike Changes

The killing of Larijani, specifically, may have consequences beyond the symbolic. Unlike many of the military commanders eliminated in the campaign's opening salvos, Larijani was a political figure — a negotiator, a strategist, and a man who had spent decades building relationships with Western interlocutors. He was, by many accounts, one of the few Iranian officials with both the authority and the inclination to eventually broker a settlement [6][7].

His elimination sends an unambiguous signal about the war's trajectory: the U.S.-Israeli coalition is not merely degrading Iran's military capacity but systematically dismantling the civilian leadership structure that would need to be intact for any negotiated end to the conflict.

"If you kill the people who could sign a peace deal, you're not really fighting a war — you're conducting a regime change operation," said Trita Parsi, executive vice president of the Quincy Institute, in a statement to NPR [2].

The IRGC's Revolutionary Guard spokesman, meanwhile, claimed that most of Iran's weapons cache remains intact and that older missiles are being deployed while newer systems remain unused — suggesting Tehran believes it retains escalatory options [13].

The Leadership Vacuum

Iran now faces a leadership crisis of a severity with few modern parallels. The supreme leader is wounded and absent. The security council chief is reportedly dead. The IRGC's top commander was killed on day one. The defense minister is dead. And the regime's domestic enforcement apparatus has lost its commander.

President Masoud Pezeshkian, a reformist figure elected in 2024, remains alive but holds limited constitutional power in Iran's system of velayat-e faqih (guardianship of the jurist), where the supreme leader holds ultimate authority. With Mojtaba Khamenei unable or unwilling to appear publicly — and questions mounting about whether real authority rests with him or the military commanders who engineered his appointment — Iran's decision-making structure is increasingly opaque, even to its own allies.

For the U.S. and Israel, this opacity presents both an opportunity and a risk. A decapitated regime may be unable to organize effective resistance — but it may also be unable to surrender, negotiate, or control the forces still fighting in its name across the region. Eighteen days into a war that both sides insist they are winning, the killing of Ali Larijani may have removed one of the last figures capable of ending it.