738 Days Underground: Rom Braslavski's Account and the Full Reckoning of Gaza's Hostage Crisis

Rom Braslavski was 19 years old when he was taken. He had been working as a security guard at the Supernova music festival on October 7, 2023, helping concertgoers escape the Hamas-led assault before he was captured [1]. When he was released on October 13, 2025 — 738 days later — he weighed 49 kilograms, roughly 108 pounds [2]. His body was covered in scars [3]. He remains hospitalized and afraid to leave [4].

His testimony, given in a series of interviews in April 2026, constitutes one of the most detailed accounts of captivity conditions to emerge from the Gaza hostage crisis. It also raises a set of questions that extend well beyond one person's suffering: about what international institutions knew and failed to act on, about the legal frameworks that were supposed to prevent this, and about the treatment of detainees on both sides of this conflict.

What Braslavski Described

Braslavski was held above ground by members of Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), not Hamas [4]. His captivity can be divided into distinct phases of escalating severity.

Initially, he received two to three pitas and one liter of water per day [2]. After his captors identified him as an Israeli soldier, his rations were cut by approximately three-quarters — to half a pita, a small amount of cheese, a rotten tomato, and a reduced water supply [2]. His weight dropped to a low of 49 kilograms [2], and at another point during sustained beatings he was recorded at 50 kg [4]. He described being given one falafel ball and rice in an intermediate period [4].

The physical abuse was systematic. He was beaten seven times daily, for 20 minutes per session [4]. His captors whipped him with iron implements — marks remain visible on his body — and a commander weighing approximately 100 kilograms jumped repeatedly on his neck, head, and back [4]. He was blindfolded for extended periods, with stones forced into his ears using nails [4]. He was subjected to sexual assault and forced nudity as a means of humiliation [3][4].

For three months, he was confined in total isolation without daylight [2]. He described the experience as so disorienting that he began hitting his head against the wall [2]. After attacking a guard who had repeatedly humiliated him, he was subjected to an extended period of retaliation during which he was allowed to sleep no more than 90 minutes per day in short intervals [2].

At one point, after approximately four months of sustained torture, Braslavski became "clinically dead, rolling my eyes and passing out," before his captors administered medical injections and resumed feeding him [2]. On another occasion, he collapsed during a transfer and was injected with an unknown substance [2].

"They only tortured me for one reason, because I am a Jew," Braslavski said [4].

How These Conditions Compare to International Standards

Article 26 of the Third Geneva Convention requires that basic daily food rations be "sufficient in quantity, quality and variety to keep prisoners of war in good health and to prevent loss of weight or the development of nutritional deficiencies" [5]. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) sets a minimum of 3 to 5 liters of drinking water per day per detainee, with higher requirements in hot climates or for detainees confined for more than 16 hours [6].

Braslavski's reported rations — half a pita, minimal water — fall far below these thresholds. While precise caloric intake figures are not available, a half pita provides roughly 80 to 130 calories, a fraction of the 2,000-plus calories required for an adult male. His documented weight loss — from an unspecified starting weight to 49 kg — and the medical findings from other freed hostages confirm widespread nutritional failure.

An Israeli Health Ministry report based on 12 hostages freed between January 19 and February 7, 2025, found body weight loss of up to 40% among the freed captives [7]. Severe vitamin C deficiency causing scurvy, bleeding gums, and joint pain was documented, along with deficiencies in vitamins K, D, and A, and decreased bone density [7]. The report noted that hostages typically received one meal a day — pita bread and rice, sometimes containing insects and worms — and often went full days without food [7].

Source: Jerusalem Post / Israel Hayom

Data as of Aug 12, 2025CSV

The report also documented untreated gunshot wounds, shrapnel injuries, skin diseases, respiratory illnesses, and inappropriate medical treatment such as fever reducers administered instead of antibiotics [7]. These conditions represent systematic violations of the Geneva Conventions' requirements for medical care and humane treatment of detainees.

The Pattern Across Freed Hostages

Braslavski's account is consistent with testimony from other hostages held for extended periods. Among the 12 hostages examined in the Health Ministry report, weight loss ranged from approximately 20% to 40% of body weight [7][8]. Freed hostages reported being held in underground tunnels less than 1.5 meters high, with up to six people confined in spaces of roughly two square meters [7]. They were permitted to shower once every few months [7]. Female hostages reported that captors disregarded feminine hygiene needs and that they faced ongoing sexual harassment [9].

Limited evidence exists to distinguish conditions between tunnel captivity and above-ground detention. Braslavski was held above ground and experienced conditions comparable to or more severe than those reported by tunnel-held hostages [2][4]. Other hostages, such as those released in the November 2023 ceasefire, reported varying conditions depending on their specific captors — some held by Hamas, others by PIJ or smaller armed groups — suggesting that captor identity may have been a more significant variable than physical location [10].

The proportion of long-term hostages (held 19 months or more) reporting physical abuse and starvation appears to be near-universal based on available testimony, though systematic surveys covering all freed hostages have not been publicly released.

The Final Accounting

Of the 251 people taken hostage on October 7, 2023, 168 were returned alive [10]. Eighty-three are confirmed dead, with their remains repatriated to Israel [10][11]. The body of the last hostage, Ran Gvili, was recovered from a cemetery in northern Gaza on January 26, 2026, completing the first phase of the U.S.-brokered ceasefire agreement [11].

Source: Times of Israel / Wikipedia

Data as of Jan 26, 2026CSV

The releases occurred in several waves: 105 during the November 2023 ceasefire, five released unilaterally by Hamas, eight rescued by the Israel Defense Forces, 30 freed during the January 2025 ceasefire, and the final 20 living hostages released on October 13, 2025, as part of the Trump administration's Gaza peace plan [10].

The tension between military operations and hostage recovery was a persistent feature of Israeli policy throughout the crisis. IDF rescue operations succeeded in extracting eight hostages alive but also carried significant risk — operations in densely populated areas raised concerns about hostage safety during raids. Israeli officials consistently maintained that military pressure was necessary to compel negotiations, while hostage families and some former security officials argued that a negotiated deal should have been prioritized earlier [10].

What Prolonged Captivity Does to Survivors

Peer-reviewed research on former prisoners of war provides a framework for understanding what Braslavski and other long-term hostages are likely to face. A 2023 review published in Healthcare found that war captivity is "one of the most difficult human experiences," with high rates of psychiatric symptoms — most commonly post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) — persisting for years or decades after release [12].

The duration of captivity is a significant predictor of PTSD severity [12]. Exposure to extreme conditions and weight loss — described in the literature as indicators of "cruel treatment" — are among the strongest predictors of long-term PTSD development and persistence [12]. A 24-year longitudinal study of former POWs found that prolonged captivity involving severe interpersonal trauma is associated with Complex PTSD (CPTSD), a condition characterized by affect dysregulation, negative self-concept, and disturbed relationships, in addition to standard PTSD symptoms [13].

For hostages held more than 500 days under starvation conditions, the research predicts elevated rates of chronic pain, nerve damage, impaired fertility, hearing loss, skeletal damage, and cardiovascular disorders [7][12]. The Health Ministry report on freed hostages already documented many of these conditions, including irreversible nerve damage and chronic pain [7].

A 2025 qualitative study specifically examining coping strategies among released civilian abductees from Gaza found that the civilian status of the hostages — who lacked military survival training — may compound psychological vulnerability [14].

The ICRC's Blocked Access

Throughout the 738 days of Braslavski's captivity, the ICRC was unable to visit any hostages in Gaza [15]. The organization stated that it did not have information about hostage locations and could not force access [15]. Visits required agreement from all parties — agreement that was never granted [15].

The ICRC characterized this as a source of "deep frustration and concern" and repeatedly called for unconditional hostage release [15]. Behind closed doors, the organization conducted confidential diplomatic engagement, and it facilitated the physical transfer of hostages during ceasefire agreements — ultimately helping return 172 hostages and 3,473 Palestinian detainees [16]. But it never gained the access required to monitor conditions, deliver medicine, or verify treatment during captivity.

In January 2024, the ICRC declined to assist in transferring medicine to hostages in Gaza, a decision that drew criticism from Israeli officials and hostage families [17]. Qatar, which served as a primary mediator, at one point reassessed its role, citing concerns about "political exploitation" of its mediation efforts [18].

No government or international body has publicly confirmed having direct information about specific hostage conditions during captivity. Intelligence services of multiple countries, including the United States, Israel, Qatar, and Egypt, were involved in negotiations, but the degree to which they possessed or acted on information about abuse remains unclear [18].

Hamas's Stated Position and International Law

Hamas and PIJ framed hostage-taking as part of a broader strategy to secure the release of Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails [10]. At the outset of the conflict, Hamas offered to release all hostages in exchange for the release of approximately 5,200 Palestinian prisoners [19]. This framing positioned hostage-holding as a form of prisoner exchange — a practice with precedent in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, most notably the 2011 Gilad Shalit deal, in which Israel released 1,027 Palestinian prisoners for a single captured soldier [19].

Defenders of this position argue that Palestinian armed groups lack conventional military parity with Israel and that hostage exchanges represent the only available mechanism to secure the release of Palestinians held in administrative detention — detention without charge or trial. They point to the scale of Palestinian imprisonment: as of early 2025, thousands of Palestinians were held in Israeli facilities, including over 3,000 in administrative detention [20].

International humanitarian law, however, does not recognize these arguments as justification. Common Article 3 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions prohibits hostage-taking in all armed conflicts [21]. Human Rights Watch stated in October 2023 that "there can be no justification for abducting anyone to use as a hostage" [21]. Amnesty International called in February 2025 for the immediate release of both civilian hostages in Gaza and arbitrarily detained Palestinians, stating that neither group should be treated as "bargaining chips" [22].

The legal distinction is categorical: while prisoner exchanges are a recognized feature of armed conflict, holding civilians as hostages to compel such exchanges constitutes a war crime under the Rome Statute and customary international law [21][23].

Palestinian Detainees in Israeli Custody

The treatment of Palestinian detainees in Israeli facilities during the same period has drawn parallel scrutiny.

Between October 7, 2023, and August 31, 2025, at least 75 Palestinians — including a 17-year-old — died in Israeli detention, according to the UN Human Rights office [24]. A report by Physicians for Human Rights Israel documented at least 94 deaths [25]. Autopsies indicated that many deaths resulted from torture, malnutrition, or denial of medical care [25].

In November 2025, the United Nations Committee Against Torture issued its conclusions on Israel's compliance with the Convention Against Torture — the first such review since 2016. The Committee found that Israel maintains what it characterized as "a de facto state policy of organized and widespread torture" of Palestinian detainees [25][26]. It cited severely deteriorated detention conditions, extreme overcrowding, denial of sufficient food, water, hygiene, and medical care, and prolonged confinement [26].

Five months after Israel's High Court ruled that prisons were failing to provide adequate food, emaciated prisoners continued to report extreme hunger [27]. The number of Palestinians in administrative detention rose from 1,319 before October 7 to over 3,291 by January 2024 [20]. A mass hunger strike by Palestinian prisoners in 2025 drew international attention to detention conditions [28].

The asymmetry in international attention to these two sets of captivity accounts is shaped by several factors: the scale and visibility of the October 7 attack; the civilian status of most Israeli hostages; the political alliances of Western media and governments; and the difficulty of accessing Palestinian detention facilities for independent monitoring. Human rights organizations including Amnesty International and B'Tselem have criticized what they describe as selective application of international humanitarian law, arguing that the treatment of detainees on both sides should be subject to the same scrutiny and legal standards [22][26].

Accountability and the Limits of International Justice

The International Criminal Court has taken steps toward accountability on both sides of the conflict. In May 2024, ICC Prosecutor Karim Khan applied for arrest warrants against Hamas leaders Yahya Sinwar, Mohammed Deif, and Ismail Haniyeh, as well as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Yoav Gallant [23]. The warrants against Haniyeh and Sinwar were effectively mooted by their deaths in July and October 2024, respectively [23].

The ICC judges found "reasonable grounds to believe" that Hamas leaders committed war crimes including hostage-taking, extermination, murder, and sexual violence [23]. For the specific abuses Braslavski described — torture, starvation, sexual assault — command responsibility would fall on PIJ leadership and, to the extent Hamas exercised overarching control, on Hamas commanders.

Realistic prospects for prosecution remain limited. The ICC has no police force and relies on member states to execute arrest warrants [23]. Israel does not recognize ICC jurisdiction [29]. Hamas and PIJ are non-state actors without formal legal accountability structures [23]. The United States, which brokered the ceasefire, is not an ICC member and has historically opposed ICC jurisdiction over its allies.

The UN Committee Against Torture's 2025 recommendations — including calls for Israel to criminalize torture in domestic law, abolish the "necessity" defense for interrogation methods, and establish an independent commission to investigate all allegations since October 2023 — face similar enforcement challenges [26].

Under existing international law, the mechanisms for accountability exist on paper. The Geneva Conventions, the Rome Statute, and the Convention Against Torture all provide frameworks for prosecuting the abuses described by Braslavski and by Palestinian detainees. The obstacle is not legal but political: the willingness of states and institutions to act.

What Remains

Braslavski remains hospitalized six months after his release. He has described himself as afraid to leave the hospital [4]. The scars from iron whips are still visible on his body. The long-term research on captivity survivors suggests that what he endured will shape his physical and psychological health for decades [12][13].

All 251 hostages taken on October 7, 2023, have now been accounted for — 168 returned alive, the rest confirmed dead [10]. The ceasefire that secured their release also facilitated the return of 1,809 Palestinian detainees [16]. But the broader questions raised by the crisis — about the limits of international law, the selectivity of humanitarian concern, and the political calculations that prolonged captivity on both sides — remain unresolved.

The evidence, from Braslavski's testimony to the UN Committee Against Torture's findings, documents a period in which detainees on both sides of the conflict were subjected to conditions that violated international law. The international community's capacity to prevent or punish those violations was, in both cases, constrained by the same forces: access denied, information incomplete, political will absent.