Middleton Defeats Chip Roy in Texas Attorney General Republican Primary

On the evening of May 26, 2026, Texas state Sen. Mayes Middleton claimed the Republican nomination for attorney general with 55.7% of the vote, defeating U.S. Rep. Chip Roy's 44.3% — an 11-point margin that turned what many expected to be a tight runoff into a decisive repudiation [1][2]. Roy, a former assistant attorney general with a decade of congressional experience and an endorsement from Sen. Ted Cruz, conceded shortly after the results were called [3].

The race to succeed outgoing Attorney General Ken Paxton — who left the office to run for the U.S. Senate — became the most expensive state AG contest in American history [4]. It also became a test case for a question now playing out across the Republican Party: whether any record of independence from Donald Trump, no matter how minor, is survivable in a GOP primary.

Source: Texas Secretary of State

Data as of May 27, 2026CSV

The Road to the Runoff

Middleton and Roy first squared off in the March 3 primary, where a crowded field that included former Paxton deputy Aaron Reitz failed to produce a majority winner. Middleton led that initial round with 39% to Roy's 32%, setting up the head-to-head runoff [2][5].

Source: Texas Secretary of State

Data as of May 27, 2026CSV

Roy entered the attorney general race in August 2025, bringing national name recognition from his tenure as a fiscal conservative firebrand in Congress. He had served as Cruz's first chief of staff and as an assistant attorney general under then-AG Greg Abbott — credentials that, in a prior era, would have made him a formidable candidate for the office [6]. But the intervening years had produced two liabilities that Middleton's campaign exploited relentlessly: Roy's statement in January 2021 that Trump had engaged in "clearly impeachable conduct" by pressuring Vice President Mike Pence not to certify the election results, and his active campaigning for Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis during the 2024 presidential primary [1][7].

Roy voted against the Democratic impeachment articles and later supported Trump in the general election, but those nuances proved irrelevant in a primary electorate for whom any deviation registered as betrayal [1].

Follow the Money: A $17 Million Blitz

The financial disparity between the two campaigns was staggering. Middleton, president of Middleton Oil Company — an independent firm operating over 60 wells across south Texas and the Gulf Coast — poured approximately $17 million of his personal fortune into the race [1][8]. That self-funding overwhelmed Roy's outside fundraising operation, which raised roughly $3.7 million from donors plus a $1 million personal loan during a compressed timeline after his late entry [4].

Source: Texas Tribune / Campaign Finance Reports

Data as of May 27, 2026CSV

Roy did secure major late-stage support. GOP megadonor Alex Fairly contributed $2.75 million — $1.75 million in new money plus forgiveness of a $1 million loan from the primary — providing what one report described as "a much-needed shot in the arm" as early voting began [4][9]. Other significant Roy donors included Midland rancher Douglas Scharbauer ($250,000), Houston investor Robert "Hank" Seale ($250,000), and the Texas Republican Leadership Fund, a PAC founded by Fairly ($250,000) [4]. In the final week, Roy reported raising more than $8 million total [4].

But Middleton's spending advantage was structural, not episodic. His television ads and mailers saturated the state for months, branding him as "MAGA Mayes" and hammering Roy's Trump heresies before Roy could define himself on his own terms [1][7]. Trump himself stayed neutral in the runoff — he endorsed neither candidate — yet the race was fought almost entirely on the terrain of fealty to him [3].

The Attacks That Defined the Race

Middleton's campaign operated a straightforward playbook: cast Roy as insufficiently loyal to Trump and, by extension, to the Republican base. "Our voters are just not going to forgive someone that has spent ten years fighting against the president like Chip Roy has," Middleton told Houston Public Media [10].

Roy pushed back, arguing that MAGA credentials cannot simply be purchased. "MAGA is not something you just buy," he said during the runoff campaign, a pointed reference to Middleton's self-funding [3]. He pitched his candidacy on constitutional principle and institutional competence: "You need somebody who's demonstrated strength and independence," he said. "We've got to defend the state of Texas, defend our borders, defend our streets, keep it safe and defend ourselves against the federal government interfering with us, no matter who's there" [11].

Roy also drew a distinction between the attorney general's role and that of a political operator, cautioning against turning the office into a platform for ideological signaling. "Attorneys general are tasked with enforcing state law, not charging into reinterpreting the meaning of the federal Constitution," he argued [12]. That restraint-first message found support from the Houston Chronicle's editorial board, which recommended Roy over Middleton, and from Cruz, who called Roy "a battle-tested warrior and a fierce defender of the Constitution" [13][14].

None of it was enough. In a primary electorate that rewards alignment over accomplishment, Roy's record of occasional independence became his defining vulnerability.

Middleton's Record: Conservative Warrior, Not Courtroom Lawyer

Middleton has served in the Texas Legislature since 2019, first in the state House and then in the Senate representing Galveston's 11th District [8]. He has consistently ranked among the most conservative members of the chamber, sponsoring legislation that became touchstones of culture-war politics in Texas: Senate Bill 7, which requires multi-use bathrooms in public schools and government buildings to be designated by biological sex; a ban on transgender athletes in high school and college sports; a law placing the Ten Commandments in public school classrooms; and legislation allowing chaplains to serve as school guidance counselors [1][8][15].

His campaign for AG represented explicit continuity with the Paxton era. Where Paxton transformed the attorney general's office from a largely non-political entity into a conservative political stronghold — filing dozens of lawsuits against the Biden administration and using the office as a platform for right-wing causes — Middleton positioned himself as the natural heir to that approach [16][17]. The policy differences between Middleton and Paxton are minimal; the change is one of personality and personal baggage. Paxton left office under the cloud of his 2023 impeachment trial (from which he was acquitted by the state Senate) and ongoing federal securities fraud charges. Middleton carries no comparable legal controversies.

The qualifications question, however, hung over the race. Middleton has no courtroom experience and has never practiced law in a traditional capacity. Roy, by contrast, served as an assistant attorney general and had direct experience in the office he sought to lead. "He has never done any of those things," Roy said of Middleton's lack of prosecutorial credentials [3]. Both candidates said during the runoff that they would be open to challenging long-standing Supreme Court precedents from the AG's office, though they disagreed on the scope of that ambition [12].

Turnout and the Geography of the GOP Base

The March 2026 primary drew nearly 4.5 million voters statewide — a turnout rate of 22.1% that shattered recent midterm records [18]. For the first time in recent midterm cycles, Democratic primary turnout exceeded Republican: approximately 2.3 million Democratic ballots to 2.2 million Republican [18][19]. The surge was driven in part by competitive races at the top of both tickets, including the Republican Senate primary that pitted Paxton against incumbent John Cornyn.

Turnout was highest in solidly red counties and fast-growing suburban areas like Tarrant and Fort Bend counties, where participation exceeded 25% [18]. In the Republican primary, the largest vote totals came from Harris County (198,022), Tarrant County (145,771), and Collin County (over 102,300) [18]. Border counties saw the lowest turnout at 16%, though even those areas exceeded their 2022 levels [18].

Middleton's strongest performance came in the areas where his television spending was most concentrated and where cultural conservatism tracks highest. His margin grew from 7 points in the March primary to 11 points in the runoff, suggesting that the consolidation of the anti-Roy vote after other candidates dropped out broke heavily in Middleton's direction [2][5].

For comparison, the 2022 Republican AG primary runoff — in which Paxton defeated George P. Bush — drew approximately 932,000 voters [20]. The 2026 runoff turnout figures, while not yet finalized, appear to have exceeded that number, consistent with the broader surge in primary participation across both parties.

The Steelman Case for Roy

Not everyone in conservative circles celebrated the outcome. The case for Roy rested on a straightforward proposition: an attorney general benefits from legal expertise, institutional knowledge, and a willingness to tell political allies "no" when the law demands it.

Roy served as first assistant attorney general under Greg Abbott, helping build out the office's capacity. He understood its operational demands in a way that a state legislator, however conservative, does not [6][16]. His occasional breaks from Trump — voting against impeachment while acknowledging the conduct was problematic, supporting DeSantis in a primary before backing Trump in the general — reflected a type of independence that conservative institutionalists argue is healthy in a chief legal officer.

Cruz, in endorsing Roy, framed the argument in terms of trust: "We have been in more fights together than I can count, and I know Chip will always, always, always fight for conservative values" [14]. The implication was that Roy's conservatism was tested and proven, not purchased at a premium.

The Houston Chronicle's editorial recommendation echoed this view, citing Roy's "policy chops" and suggesting institutional unease with Middleton's approach of substituting ideological passion for legal experience [13]. SMU political scientist Cal Jillson, while not commenting directly on the merits, observed that the race reflected a broader trend in Texas GOP politics where loyalty metrics have displaced governance credentials as the primary sorting mechanism [10].

The General Election: Middleton vs. Johnson

Middleton will face Dallas state Sen. Nathan Johnson in the November general election. Johnson won his own Democratic runoff on May 26, defeating former Galveston Mayor Joe Jaworski with nearly 60% of the vote [10][21].

Johnson, a corporate attorney, has pitched a campaign centered on restoring the AG's office to its traditional functions: investigating Medicaid fraud, enforcing consumer protection laws, and rebuilding an agency he says "has been sapped of talent" and "sapped of civic spirit and corporate culture" under Paxton [22]. He has also staked out clear positions on hot-button issues, pledging not to defend what he considers unconstitutional legislation — including the Ten Commandments classroom mandate that Middleton himself authored — and promising aggressive litigation against the Trump administration: "The Trump administration has a choice to make: they can either get sued by me frequently, or they can stop breaking the law" [22].

The structural dynamics of a Texas general election favor Middleton heavily. Republicans have won every statewide race in Texas since 1994, and the attorney general's office has been in GOP hands for decades. Johnson acknowledged the fundraising gulf, noting that he raised only six figures during the primary compared to Middleton's eight-figure spending, but argued that he needs "enough money" to "communicate with everybody in Texas," not dollar-for-dollar parity [10].

Jillson, the SMU professor, was blunter about Democratic prospects in down-ballot races: "A Democrat that far down the ballot is usually going around the state with a tin cup trying to raise lunch money" [10].

Still, the 2026 cycle has produced unusual conditions. Democratic primary turnout exceeded Republican turnout for the first time in a recent midterm, and Texas's shifting suburban demographics — particularly in the Houston, Dallas–Fort Worth, and Austin corridors — have steadily narrowed statewide margins [18][19]. Whether Middleton's hard-right primary positioning on transgender rights, religious displays in schools, and border enforcement energizes or alienates general-election voters in those suburbs remains the central question of the fall campaign.

What This Race Reveals

The Middleton-Roy contest was, at bottom, a referendum on what qualifies someone for office in the current Republican Party. Roy offered a legal résumé, institutional knowledge, and a brand of conservatism that occasionally prioritized constitutional principle over political convenience. Middleton offered personal wealth, ideological purity, and an unbroken record of alignment with Trump.

The 11-point margin was not close. It suggests that within the Texas GOP primary electorate, the loyalty litmus test is not a marginal factor but the dominant one — capable of overcoming advantages in experience, endorsements from figures like Ted Cruz, and late-stage fundraising surges.

Texas now has an attorney general nominee who has never argued a case in court, whose signature legislative achievements are culture-war bills, and whose campaign was defined by the phrase "MAGA Mayes." Whether that profile strengthens or weakens the office — and whether it matters in a state where the Republican nominee is overwhelmingly likely to win — are questions that will play out over the next four years.